COLUMN
Significance of President Tinubu’s Enugu Visit
By Tunde Rahman
President Bola Tinubu’s one-day visit to the Southeast, his first of 2025, was not just a routine event. It was laden with symbolisms, from the enthusiastic reception to the subsequent positive comments. The import of this visit, with its many remarkable aspects, was not lost on anyone. While many have spoken favourably and commended the visit, it equally throws up some questions.
Is President Tinubu’s January 4, 2025 visit to Enugu, the old capital of the Southeast region, during which he inaugurated Governor Peter Ndubuisi Mbah’s landmark projects and made important pronouncements a new level in his relationship with the Southeast geopolitical zone?
Is the President’s visit across the Niger a game changer and a subtle indicator of what lies ahead between him and the people of the South East?
The Southeast’s posture towards President Tinubu has not been enthusiastic, just as it was with President Muhammadu Buhari. Of course, the results of the 2015, 2019, and 2023 elections reveal the political aloofness of the zone towards the two leaders.
The Southeast was particularly lukewarm towards Tinubu’s presidential aspiration following developments in the build-up to the 2023 presidential election and the results that had arisen from it. In the run-up to the election, the Southeast put all its political eggs in the basket of homeboy Peter Obi, former Anambra State governor, who had broken ranks with former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and the opposition Peoples Democratic Party to emerge as the Labour Party’s Presidential Candidate.
The boisterousness of the Obidients –as Peter Obi’s supporters had christened themselves – had somewhat captured the imagination of the Southeast. Any Igbo who sang a different tune in the 2023 election was, more or less, seen as an outcast.
Peter Obi himself did not allow the kind of amity that should prevail. He campaigned based on his Igbo ethnicity and overtly promoted his Christian faith to reap electoral benefits. When the election came, the Igbo voted en masse for him, signposting a strong correlation between region, religion and elections in Nigeria.
As a geopolitical breakdown of the 2023 presidential election results shows, Obi and his LP polled 1,952, 998 votes from the five states of the Southeast, representing a massive 89.62% of the total votes in the region. President Tinubu and the All Progressives Congress polled 127,370 votes, a paltry 5.85% of the votes from the area while the Peoples Democratic Party candidate, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, got 90, 698 votes, amounting to a meagre 4.16%.
Although Obi recorded impressive results outside the Southeast, like winning Lagos, Nasarawa, Edo, Delta, Plateau, Cross River, and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Abuja, his 2023 presidential challenge was essentially a Southeast affair.
After the election, he and his ethnic supporters remained in their cocoons—or the alternate reality they had built. They acted like Obi had won the poll but denied victory. It seemed that the Obidients would rather not hear the name Asiwaju Tinubu, let alone President Tinubu. This trend continued even after Obi’s petition against President Tinubu’s victory in court failed. Any move of the President was criticised and condemned.
On assumption of office, President Tinubu made overtures to the zone in key appointments such as the appointment of Chief of Naval Staff, Rear Admiral Emmanuel Ikechukwu Ogalla, who hails from Enugu, and through key ministerial appointments like those of Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi from Ebonyi State, Minister of Innovation, Science and Technology, Hon. Uche Nnaji, and the first Minister of Trade and Investment, now Minister of State for Finance, Dr. Doris Uzoka-Anite, among others.
Remarkably, when the President reshuffled his cabinet in October last year, he brought in, among others, Ambassador Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu, wife of the late Ikemba Nnewi, Chief Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu. She got the portfolio of Minister of State for Foreign Affairs. President Tinubu also established the Southeast Development Commission, a significant move to promote and accelerate the region’s development.
A top journalist who is a friend from the Southeast zone and a staunch Obidient who had never masked his dislike for Tinubu said those two appointments were sufficient to forgive President Tinubu’s perceived sins against the Igbo.
It was against that background that President Tinubu accepted Governor Mbah’s invitation to inaugurate some of his projects in the New Year.
At the inauguration of Governor Mbah’s projects and during an interactive session with Southeast leaders, President Tinubu made significant statements that gladdened the hearts of the Igbo.
At the inauguration of the Command and Control Center, the President emphasised the importance of cooperation and collaboration between the Federal Government and the sub-nationals to drive development.
“This (Command and Control Centre) is a profound demonstration of what we can do together. It reassures me that more revenue going to the sub nationals and local governments is not a waste; it is for development.
“We have committed leaders like Peter Mbah taking Enugu on the path of 21st-century development, taking Enugu to greater heights, and building our tomorrow today.
“I cannot forget the sight of those children I just met at the Smart Green School. I have seen the gadgets and vehicles with 21st-century technology. You are indeed working for today, tomorrow and the future.”
The President inaugurated the GTC Smart Green School, New Haven/Bisalla Road, the International Conference Center, the Command and Control Center, and 150 patrol vehicles with surveillance cameras. He also inaugurated other notable projects virtually at the Enugu State Government House.
Later, at an interactive session with Southeast leaders, President Tinubu promised that his administration would complete the Eastern Rail line connecting Port Harcourt to Maiduguri and support the development of the Anambra Basin as a significant energy reserve estimated to hold up to 1 billion barrels of oil and 30 billion cubic feet of gas. He made the commitment while responding to the requests made by former Minister of Power Professor Chinedu Nebo and an Enugu State indigene, Chris Ugoh, at the interactive session.
After commending the Tinubu administration for completing the Port Harcourt to Aba section of the Eastern rail line, Nebo had appealed to the President to prioritise the completion of the remaining portions of the rail link to facilitate exports of non-oil products and catalyse development in the region.
Dignitaries who attended the session included governors, traditional rulers, captains of industry, and serving and former presiding officers of the National Assembly from the zone, including former Senate President Ken Nnamani.
With the Enugu visit and the importance he attached to the invitation by PDP Governor Mbah, President Tinubu demonstrated political maturity and his commitment to supporting developmental strides from any part of the country and by any governor or stakeholder. The visit was a bold testament to his nonpartisan inclination and willingness to put the country first. He was full of commendation for Governor Mbah for demonstrating “an irrevocable commitment to human development.”
In the same vein, sighting Abia State Governor Alex Otti at the Enugu event, President Tinubu said: “I don’t care which party you come from; you are my friend. Alex Otti of Abia State is also doing very well. It is not about the differences in languages and place of birth.
“None of us has control of the mother tongue. God created us, and you can find yourself in Enugu, Onitsha or Lagos. We are all members of one huge family called Nigeria, but we live in different rooms in the same house. We must build this house to satisfy our immediate and future needs.”
Speaking before the inauguration of his projects, Governor Mbah had described President Tinubu as a true federalist committed to Nigeria’s development.
“Your Excellency, your credential as a true federalist stands out brightly, and the legacies thereof will long earn you resounding accolades.
“In signing the Electricity Act (Amendment) Bill, you liberalised electricity generation, transmission, and distribution. That singular act will consistently rank as an enduring legacy,” he said, adding: “It is noteworthy that Enugu State was the first sub-national to which the NERC ceded regulatory oversight of the local electricity market. That reflects how swiftly we are pursuing our goals.”
On the Southeast Development Commission, the governor said the commission would address infrastructure and ecological challenges in the region while complementing the many development strides unfolding across the state.
Development and governance may have been the overarching themes of the visit. Still, analysts reckon that given all that transpired during the visit, a new chapter in the relationship between President Tinubu and the Southeast geopolitical zone may have been unwittingly opened. This rapprochement, they observe, may signpost other important things to come for President Tinubu from the zone, particularly going into the next election in 2027.
*Rahman is a Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media Matters.
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COLUMN
Disu: A strong start, next step is technology
BY TUNDE OPESEITAN
Two months is undoubtedly too short a period to fully assess any administration. However, as the saying goes, the fragrance of a beautiful Saturday is carried on the breeze of Friday. For the new Inspector General of Police, IGP Olatunji Disu, the early signs are encouraging, promising, and reassuring of better days ahead for the Nigeria Police Force.
As a journalist with a particular interest in crime and judiciary reporting, I have closely observed and documented the engagements, initiatives, and deliberate reforms championed by Disu. From my keen observation, I can confidently project an improved security architecture from a policing perspective, provided the IGP sustains this positive trajectory and leverages other critical areas, especially the large-scale deployment of technology to combat insecurity.
One of the most notable strides of Disu within his first two months in office is the revitalisation of the Police Complaint Response Unit (CRU), aimed at swiftly addressing misconduct and restoring public confidence in the police.
The sincerity of Disu’s declaration on his first day in office to the effect that the people are the true bosses of police officers was evident in a video I recently watched. In it, a Nigerian expressed gratitude after recovering money extorted from him by some unscrupulous police officers, thanks to the intervention of the CRU.
“My name is Daniel Ifeanyi. I just want to use this opportunity to thank the Inspector General of Police, the Police CRU, the Police Public Relations Officer, and the entire police force for helping me recover the money that was extorted from me by some bad officers. This action has restored my confidence in the police force. I encourage people to report their complaints. The police are actually working,” Ifeanyi said while displaying the money in the video.
This development strengthens the perception that the police may be ready to take decisive action against the long-standing challenges of corruption and impunity within the force. What is now essential is sustained public demand for continuity and expansion of these reforms, particularly the CRU initiative.
There is a clear need for every Police Command across the 36 states and the FCT to establish well-resourced, responsive teams dedicated to receiving and resolving citizen complaints promptly, before they escalate to social media. This proactive approach is a strategic model that all Commissioners of Police should seriously consider and institutionalise.
I was also encouraged by a viral video posted by a Nigerian identified as Rhapstar, which exposed misconduct and incivility by officers attached to the Satellite Town Division in the Festac area of Lagos State. I was personally irked when I heard a police officer in the video saying, “I will loose guard you.”
But the swift response of the police authorities to summon the Divisional Police Officer and the officers involved, obtaining statements, and initiating investigations in line with established procedures, is reassuring, and this demonstrates a renewed commitment to accountability.
Preliminary findings indicate that the incident occurred in May 2025. It is noteworthy that, due to Disu’s encouragement for citizens to report misconduct, the complainant felt confident enough to come forward with video evidence.
The investigation is ongoing, and it is reassuring that the Force Management Team under Disu has reiterated that the rule of law remains non-negotiable. This stance must be sustained: no officer should be above the law, and where misconduct is established, appropriate sanctions must follow. Justice must not only be done but must be seen to be done.
It is also commendable that, within his early days in office, Disu has advanced discussions on the establishment of state police. By constituting a committee to develop an implementation framework from the police perspective, now submitted to the National Assembly, he has taken a bold and strategic step toward addressing the country’s persistent security challenges.
I would, however, respectfully urge the Inspector-General of Police to revisit the proposed 60-month execution timeline, with a view to accelerating the process and enabling more timely realisation of this critical reform.
From an operational standpoint, another significant reform is the nationwide restructuring and reduction of police tactical units to enhance efficiency, accountability, and supervision. The new policy limits Zonal and State Commands to a maximum of five tactical teams, and Area Commands and Divisions to three.
This “precision cut,” as it has been described, aims to curb the proliferation of tactical units, improve oversight, reduce excesses, and redeploy more officers to regular station duties.
Equally commendable is Disu’s welfare initiative for serving officers and the families of those who died in the line of duty. Through the “Inspector General of Police Family Welfare Scheme,” meaningful support has been extended to bereaved families across the country, reaffirming that their sacrifices are neither forgotten nor taken for granted.
Notably, within less than a month of assuming office, he facilitated the disbursement of ₦2.4 billion to 1,075 families, an impactful gesture that underscores the profound debt owed to those who gave their lives in service of the nation’s safety and peace.
Furthermore, Disu has strengthened inter-agency collaboration with the Army, Air Force, Navy, DSS, and other security agencies. This synergy is already yielding positive results in the fight against crime and has been extended to civil society organisations, the Police Community Relations Committee, and state governments.
For me, in setting the agenda ahead, there must be sustained efforts to deploy modern technology in tackling insecurity, particularly insurgency, banditry, and kidnapping. It is encouraging that, within days of assuming office, Disu visited Borno, Plateau, and Kwara States to assess security situations firsthand and engage directly with officers, victims, and stakeholders.
This proactive approach reflects his reputation as a field-oriented officer who leads from the front rather than relying solely on reports. I look forward to a more intelligence-driven policing model that leverages technology to effectively investigate, arrest, and prosecute criminals and their sponsors, while proactively preventing emerging threats.
Finally, I am of the strong view that the introduction of body cameras for police officers nationwide would significantly curb misconduct and provide critical evidence for investigations and prosecutions, and Disu is well placed to make this happen.
Addendum
As for the IGP’s tenure debate, this has been clearly addressed in Part III, Section 7 of the Police Act 2020, which outlines the procedures for appointment, removal, functions, and powers of the office.
According to the Act, which I have read, Section 7(3) states that the IGP shall be appointed by the President on the advice of the Police Council from among serving members of the Police Force.
Section 7(4) provides that the IGP shall not be removed from office except for gross misconduct, violation of the Constitution, or incapacity, while Section 7(5) stipulates that such removal must be made by the President on the advice of the Police Council.
Section 7(6), which addresses tenure, clearly states that the officeholder “shall hold office for four years.”
The operative word — “shall”— denotes a mandatory obligation, reinforcing the intent of the law to ensure stability, continuity, and accountability within the police leadership.
As IGP Disu marks his birthday today, I wish him good health, long life, and the wisdom to lead effectively. I look forward to four years of enhanced security architecture and transformative policing under his leadership.
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COLUMN
What one officer told me about IGP Disu
By Adeniran Bamisaye
Years ago, while driving in Lagos, a police officer stopped me. Nothing unusual. He asked for my vehicle particulars, and I handed them over—perhaps not in the most cheerful manner at first. But somewhere between the routine and the silence, a conversation started. I asked him about his work, just casually, and then I mentioned a name—Olatunji Disu.
At the time, he wasn’t the Inspector-General yet; I believe he was still a Commissioner of Police. But the moment I mentioned the name, something changed in the officer’s expression. “Ah! That man…” he said, almost cutting himself short. Curious, I asked what he meant.
What followed stayed with me. He told me that when he served under Disu in Owo, Ondo State, there was one thing he could never forget: you could not work with him and be hungry. Not because of charity or handouts, but because he genuinely cared about the welfare of the officers under his command. Then, he added something that struck me deeply—he could beat his chest and say that this was a leader who cared.
That immediately reminded me of something a mentor once told me: “You can measure a leader by how much they care about the welfare of their people.” That day, on the roadside, in a conversation I didn’t plan to have, I heard a testimony, not from a podium or a press release, but from someone who had experienced that leadership up close.
When he was eventually appointed Inspector-General of Police, one theme stood out clearly: welfare. And I believed it, not because it sounded good, but because I had already heard the evidence. But beyond words, actions began to follow, and what stood out was not just the actions themselves, but the speed with which they came. In a system where delay is often the norm, responsiveness becomes a language of its own.
One of the earliest signals was symbolic, yet powerful, the decision to organise a proper pulling-out parade for his predecessor, something that had not happened in about 16 years. Institutions are not only built on systems; they are sustained by memory, respect, and continuity, and that moment quietly restored all three.
Beyond symbolism, there were more structural signals. There has been a renewed push around accountability, with a visible willingness to ensure that erring officers are not shielded but disciplined. There has also been a reawakening of channels like the Complaint Response Unit, reinforcing the idea that citizens should not feel voiceless in their encounters with the police. Alongside this is a clear direction toward modernisation, strengthening investigative capacity, embracing technology, and repositioning policing to be more intelligence-led than force-driven.
Aside from these developments, there has also been public conversation around the legality of tenure, particularly in light of existing age and compulsory retirement provisions within the service. However, the Police Act 2020 introduced a defining shift. Section 7(6) provides that the Inspector-General of Police shall hold office for a term of four years, establishing a fixed tenure framework that differs from the traditional retirement structure.
In many ways, this reflects an attempt to balance institutional continuity with leadership stability. And while such interpretations may continue to generate debate, what often matters most is not just the legal framework itself, but how the time it creates is used. In this instance, the focus has remained less on tenure and more on direction, how leadership translates time in office into action, presence, and measurable signals of change.
Beyond these structural efforts, there has also been a pattern of presence. In moments of crisis, leadership has not remained distant. From visits to places like Jos and Kwara following incidents of violence, there has been a visible effort to show up, not just as a figurehead, but as a steadying presence in difficult times. In a country where communities often feel abandoned in the aftermath of tragedy, such gestures carry weight. They signal attention, urgency, and a willingness to engage realities on the ground rather than from afar. Sometimes, presence itself becomes a form of reassurance, both to officers on duty and to citizens watching closely.
Then came a moment that, for me, brought everything into perspective. I watched him oversee the disbursement of funds to families of fallen officers, and as I did, something unexpected happened; I found myself emotional. Yes, the funds were not his personally, but leadership is not just about ownership; it is about priority. He could have delayed it or treated it as routine, but he didn’t, and that mattered.
I watched widows and families step forward, each carrying a weight that words cannot fully capture. One woman, in particular, struggled to receive her cheque, not because it was heavy, but because she was overwhelmed with emotion. That moment said more than any speech ever could. It was a reminder that beyond the uniform, beyond the structure, beyond the system, there are people, and in that moment, they were seen.
Perhaps, this is where the conversation about reform truly begins. This year’s National Police Day, held on April 7, 2026, at Eagle Square, Abuja, carried a theme that feels less like a slogan and more like a direction: “Community Partnership: Building Trust.” When placed alongside these actions—welfare, accountability, institutional respect, responsiveness, and presence- it begins to feel less like ambition and more like alignment.
Trust is not declared; it is built slowly and consistently. When an officer feels cared for, he carries himself differently. When he feels seen, he is more likely to see others. When accountability becomes real internally, credibility begins to form externally. What we may be witnessing is not just administrative change, but the early signs of a cultural shift, the kind that cannot be forced, only lived.
In the end, the relationship between the police and the people will not be repaired by announcements. It will be rebuilt through moments, moments like a roadside conversation, moments like a widow being seen, moments residents feel safe in their communities, and each time they spot police officers, moments where leadership moves from position to presence. And perhaps that is where real reform begins, not when it is declared, but when it is felt.
Adeniran Bamisaye writes from Lagos
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COLUMN
On The Issue Of Prof. Joash Amupitan, SAN And Hon. Solomon Dalung: An Insider’s Account
By Dr. John B. Mahwel
1. Firstly, I am a product of the Faculty of Law, University of Jos, having obtained my Diploma in Law, Bachelor of Laws (LL.B), Master of Laws (LL.M), and PhD all from the same institution.
In that sense, I can rightly be described as “Made in Jos.” I will forever remain grateful to the Faculty of Law and the University of Jos, my alma mater.
2. For the purpose of this piece, I must also express my appreciation to both Hon. Solomon Dalung and Prof. Joash Amupitan, SAN as well as to all present, former, and retired professors and lecturers of the Faculty of Law, University of Jos who taught me as a student.
I am particularly proud that this Faculty has produced such distinguished individuals, alongside many other notable personalities who have contributed meaningfully to society at both local and international levels.
Of the two individuals under discussion, one is a former Honourable Minister of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, while the other is the current Chairman of INEC. This is indeed a great honour and blessing to the Faculty.
3. In terms of their states of origin, Hon. Dalung is from Plateau State, while Prof. Amupitan is from Kogi State. I am also from Plateau State. However, my position in this matter is not influenced by sentiment but by my membership of the 2009 graduating class and my duty to set the record straight.
4. My Acquaintance with both Personalities:
I first met Prof. Amupitan as a Diploma student, when he taught me Law of Evidence, a course I later had the privilege of teaching alongside him for about thirteen years before his eventual appointment as INEC Chairman.
5. After completing my Diploma programme, I gained Direct Entry admission into the Faculty of Law. Upon resumption, the first person I encountered was Hon. Solomon Dalung, who was then my 200 Level Coordinator. At that time, I was not particularly close to Prof. Amupitan, as he did not teach me again until my 400 Level, when he handled Law of Evidence once more.
6. My First Encounter with Hon. Solomon Dalung in the classroom was quite striking. Unlike the conventional appearance of law lecturers in formal suits, he often appeared in full traditional attire and even brought water in a calabash rather than a bottle. While this initially surprised many students, we gradually became accustomed to his distinctive style.
His dressing reflected his teaching personality, authoritative, bold, and uniquely expressive, setting him apart from the conventional academic mould.
Hon. Dalung did not remain long in academic service, as he later ventured into politics, contesting for a seat in the House of Representatives against Hon. Beni Lar. It later became known that her father, the late Solomon Lar, had been his political benefactor.
Following the unsuccessful bid, Hon. Dalung sought to return to the Faculty.
In 2013, we both attended the interview, myself and others for regularization, and he for re-engagement. Although he was not reappointed at the time, destiny had greater plans for him, as he was later appointed a Minister of the Federal Republic of Nigeria just two years later.
7. A Notable Experience with Prof. Amupitan
Let me briefly recount an important experience with Prof. Amupitan before addressing the central issue of this piece. As a member of the 2009 graduating class, Law of Evidence was one of my best courses in the 400-level. At the time, I had no idea that I would later return to teach the same course.
Unknown to me, Prof. Amupitan kept records of students he considered outstanding. A few months after completing my NYSC in Ondo State, I received a call informing me that I had been appointed a Graduate Assistant in the Faculty of Law owing to my outstanding performance at the LL.B class. After receiving the letter, I proceeded to the Faculty of Law to report. Upon seeing me, Prof. Amupitan was delighted.
He immediately opened his drawer and showed me a recommendation letter he had written to the Vice Chancellor in support of my employment, though he had not yet submitted it. Remarkably, I had already been appointed.
He congratulated me and advised that the entry point for Law Lecturers is Assistant Lecturer and not Graduate Assistant, and he took immediate steps to correct the anomaly. He also indicated his intention to mentor me, particularly because of my performance in Law of Evidence. He did this out of goodwill, and it was for the system, not because of any personal or ethnic connection, but purely on merit.
8. On the Issue of Integrity
As a member of the 2009 graduating class, I consider it necessary to clarify the aspersion cast by Honourable Dalung on the integrity of Professor Amupitan.
I will like to state outright that Professor Amupitan, having been a student under him and worked closely with him, is a man of integrity and one of the best Deans to have served in the Faculty of Law, University of Jos.
The record is there for everyone to see. I think it will be unfair if I don’t come out to speak this gospel truth since Honourable Dalung said the students of the 2009 set are still alive and they could confirm from them. Professor Amupitan’s reputation speaks for him, and a lot of his colleagues and students are so unhappy about Hon Dalung’s attempt to rubbish his reputation for political reasons. This type of politicking frightens some of us.
To the best of my knowledge, there was indeed an issue relating to result processing during our time. At that period, examination scripts were manually marked, and results were prepared and forwarded to departmental secretaries for electronic processing.
This system created gaps in the chain of custody, which were unfortunately exploited by some individuals to manipulate and upgrade students’ results, often without the knowledge of lecturers or Faculty authorities. These irregularities were largely traced to non-academic staff.
Professor Amupitan had recently been appointed as the Dean of the Faculty in 2009, and there were a series of complaints of result manipulation and several errors contained in the final year results that year.
Importantly, it was the lecturers themselves who detected these discrepancies and reported to him. He then ordered an investigation. The result of the investigation confirmed that some students had indeed been awarded unmerited grades, and the Faculty decided to reflect their true grades.
I recalled when the result was finally approved, Professor Amupitan was even out of the country, and the Faculty Board of Examiners was chaired (in his absence) by another respected Professor of Law, who is also a Senior Advocate of Nigeria.
The Minutes and proceedings of the Faculty Board Meeting where the result was approved will show clearly that the allegation was untrue. Consequently, corrective measures were implemented, and the affected results were reviewed and reverted to their original scores.
It is crucial to emphasise that this action affected students across all categories, not only those in the Second Class Upper division, but also those in Second Class Lower and Third Class categories. In fact, some students were unable to graduate with the 2009 set as a result of this sanitisation.
It set a new tone for the Faculty and the effort was well appreciated by the students. In my considered view, this development should be seen as a demonstration of institutional integrity, a Faculty leadership committed to upholding standards rather than condoning irregularities. If nothing, Professor Amupitan ought to be commended for that bold step.
9. Regarding the claim that a serving Deputy Inspector General graduated with a Second Class Upper division, I state categorically that, to the best of my knowledge as a member of the 2009 set, there was no serving Deputy Inspector General in our class. This, however, remains a matter open to public verification.
10.I must also state unequivocally that throughout my time in the Faculty of Law, both as a student and as a staff member, I have never been aware of any act that would call into question the integrity of Prof. Amupitan.
He has served in numerous high-level positions, including Head of Department, Dean of Law, Chairman of the Committee of Deans and Directors, Member of the Council of Legal Education, two time Governing Council member of UniJos, Pro Chancellor of another University, and Deputy Vice Chancellor, among others. If there had been any credible integrity concerns, they would have surfaced long before now.
12. On the Issue of Alleged Frustration
It is also important to clarify that when Hon. Dalung was pursuing his Master’s degree at the University of Jos, Prof. Amupitan had not yet been elected Dean of the Faculty of Law. It is therefore difficult to sustain any claim that he could have frustrated Hon Dalung in that capacity.
Furthermore, no Dean has the unilateral power to victimise or frustrate a student on the basis of the issues that affected the 2009 set. Academic processes are subject to institutional checks and collective decision-making mechanisms.
13.Conclusion
In conclusion, I am not one given to frequent public commentary, particularly on social media. However, I felt compelled to write because this issue directly concerns my class, the 2009 set, and my alma mater.
While I hold both individuals in high regard, I urge caution, especially in this politically sensitive period, regarding the nature of information disseminated to the public.
In my humble opinion, Hon. Solomon Dalung went too far in his attack on the integrity of Prof. Amupitan. If there are grievances, whether relating to his non-reinstatement into the University or issues concerning the ADC and INEC, they should not be presented in a manner that risks misleading the public, particularly given his status as a former Minister of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the effort being made by Professor Amupitan to restore public trust in the electoral system.
This is calling a dog a bad name to hang him. To call Professor Amupitan I know a man of “zero integrity” is false, misleading and unacceptable.
14.Thank you for taking the time to read this. I hope the general public is better informed, particularly regarding the issue raised by Honourable Dalung about my Class set of 2009.
May God bless Nigeria
E-signed
Dr. John B. Mahwel
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