COLUMN
Nnamani And The Initial Fallouts Of Standing Strong
By Akpandem James
Comrade Ini Ememobong, the Commissioner for Information and Strategy in Akwa Ibom State,was pleasantly surprised that a ranking member of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) would applaud the strides of a state governor elected on the platform of the main opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).And this was at a well attended event organised by journalists in the state.
The event also hadon the head table two past senators, including the secretary of the Caretaker/Extra-ordinary National Convention Planning Committee, and a former member of the House of Representatives of the ruling party. At some point,all of them were members of the PDP, when it was the ruling party in the country.
Senator Ken Nnamani, the president of Nigeria’s 5th Senate, himself a former member of the PDP, was in Uyo last weekend at the dinner and award night put together by the state chapter of the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ) to round off its Press Week. He was the chairman.
He was impressedby the development strides in the state and excited at the transformation ofUyo, the state capital. He attributed it tothe quality of leadership, past and present, that the state has been blessed with. He said more. The commissioner who represented the governor at the event savoured the accolades and praised the forthrightness of the former Senate president. He said such forthrightness was anattribute of statesmanship.
The commissioner must have encountered Nnamani for the first time in that mode, but forthrightness has become the defining character of the former Senate president. He has been known for integrity in leadership. He is hardly associated with pettiness or undue patronage. Heexhibits noble traitsanywhere he goes and wherever he finds himself.When he made those pronouncements, it was not to impress the governor; after all the man was not there. He did out of conviction. He was, as usual, just speaking his mind.
Recently he launched a book Standing Strong: Legislative Reforms, Third Term and other issues of the 5th Senate, through which he spoke his mind lucidly.The well received book mainly told in some detail what had already been known of him by those who knew his antecedents. At the Uyo event he made some clarifications regardingsome perceptions thrown up by the book in some quarters.
It would have been abnormal if they book did not throw up issues. Every such book does; so it was not out of place that it did. Applause, kicks and business as usual are common fares. Some would read and understand it the way it was meant, others would read with a mindset and draw their conclusions, for good or for bad. Nothing peculiar; it goes with the laws of selectivity and subjectivity. Different strokes!
Appearing inthe limelight at particular times often opens flanks for censure. Incidentally, Nnamani’s book came at a time the Anambra State governorship election was a hot topic in the public space. Being a caucus member of the ruling APCin the South East zone, he was ordinarily expected to play a critical role in the build up and eventual outcome of the election. Both did not come out well. The entire process that led to the failure of his party in that election was not so well received; and some persons thought Nnamani should not be smiling at all after such a mishap.
Given his status in the zone and in the party, he was expected, by some persons, to assert his influence and insist on certain outcomes. That did not happen. So they questioned his claim to “standing strong.”He knew what happened and the likely outcome, but it was not for him, at that time, to wash the party’s dirty linen in the open. He made his position known in relevant quarters. His critics would not hear that as they insist that an elder cannot be in the house while the she-goat suffers child birth at the tether.
In normal circumstances that would hold, but nothing seems normal in the partisan political landscape. Nnamani has been heard telling his friends that though he is a caucus member of the party in the South East, he was in Anambra State at the timeas a private observer; nothing more. He and somesenior party members who are indigenes of the state weregreatly disturbed by what happened during the build up to the election.
Nnamani however suffered from the ailment that afflicts loyal party members – the type that sees catastrophe but becomes impotent, to avoid being branded a spoiler. When the process was disdainfully hijacked by one of the camps, it was obvious the party was going to pay dearly for its complacency. Probably that was why he hurriedly left Awka at cock-crowwhen he heard the outcome of the charade which took place the previous night. He did not want to be associated with it or to be one of those to tell the sordid story.
Nonetheless, what he tried to avoid during that debacle turned out to be his albatross later.He was accused of being complicit. In politics, there are times silence is golden, even if not glittering. It is more so with the Nigerian brand; but those who are quick at criticising often do not interrogate issues beyond mere assumptions.They lay their vibes on the table of ‘all things being equal’. But things are never equal here.
Nnamani till today laments his party’s loss in that election; more so because he saw the handwriting on the wall butlacked theauthority to erase it. There was a body from the party headquarters charged with the process. He was not one of them and had no power whatsoever to interfere or direct. That momentary impotence opened the window for the questioning of the value of his conscience.
Nnamaniclaims he made his position clearbut was ignored. He had no other option than to walk away, given the circumstance. He was never part of it, so the issue of selling his conscience does not arise. He was not alone on this. It was glaringthat a good number of those who would have formed the bulwark for the party during that election similarly walked away when their counsel were disregarded. Nnamani probably would not have been the target of attack on the Anambra matter if he did not come out Standing Strongduring that same period. He is from Enugu, not Anambra State.
Besides the Anambra issue, some of his colleagues in the Senate claim he did not tell the whole story on Third Term issue. Could that have been possible, to tell the whole story in one book? Going through the book, it is obvious that Nnamani was telling his own side of the story, with proper acknowledgement of the relevant roles his colleagues played at the time.He was neither writing the story of the 5th Senate nor the full story of Obasanjo’s Third Term gambit.
At the Uyo event, he reemphasized a point that has been misconstrued. He did not single-handedly stop the Third Term train. He only played the role expected of him as the presiding officer at the time. He ensured that the rules and procedures were followed; a development which resulted in what has come to be regardedas the saviour of Nigeria’s democracy. He told the gathering that he did not takes sides – he made sure he did not betray any emotions, either for or against. He just did what was required of his office.
It would have sufficed to give full credit to Nnamaniif there was a tiewith him casting a deciding vote. Nothing of the sort happened. It was an overwhelming rejection; and he had to stand by it. He provided leadership with integrity. He emphasized this line of narrative. That is why, on page 261of the book,while recapping his conversation with Obasanjo’s chief of staff, Major General Abdullahi Mohammed shortly after the matter was laid to rest, he wrote: “Tell him (Obasanjo) that we followed the procedure and it (the Constitution amendment) failed. Tell him it is over”.
Reading between the lines, the book never indicated that Nnamaniwas the only one that stood strong. The Dedicationon page iii says it all. “To the brave and courageous men and women of the Fifth Senate of the Nigerian legislature (2003 -2007), who stood strong in the face of constant executive pressure, threats and intimidation tovote on the side of the people.” It’s a clear testimony to the fact that it was a collective act, he only being first among equals.
The story of the “Third Term”misadventure is like the story of the Nigerian civil war, no one actor can tell it all. There were several sides and a number of actors. It is only when all the major actors tell their own side of the story that it would be the “whole story.” It would therefore be out of place to expect one person to tell the whole story of the Third Term conundrum in the Senate. The field is wide open, anyone who has a story can tell from his own perspective. That would escalate the conversation and enrich the discussion.
• James was at the NUJ Press Week event in Uyo
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COLUMN
Disu: A strong start, next step is technology
BY TUNDE OPESEITAN
Two months is undoubtedly too short a period to fully assess any administration. However, as the saying goes, the fragrance of a beautiful Saturday is carried on the breeze of Friday. For the new Inspector General of Police, IGP Olatunji Disu, the early signs are encouraging, promising, and reassuring of better days ahead for the Nigeria Police Force.
As a journalist with a particular interest in crime and judiciary reporting, I have closely observed and documented the engagements, initiatives, and deliberate reforms championed by Disu. From my keen observation, I can confidently project an improved security architecture from a policing perspective, provided the IGP sustains this positive trajectory and leverages other critical areas, especially the large-scale deployment of technology to combat insecurity.
One of the most notable strides of Disu within his first two months in office is the revitalisation of the Police Complaint Response Unit (CRU), aimed at swiftly addressing misconduct and restoring public confidence in the police.
The sincerity of Disu’s declaration on his first day in office to the effect that the people are the true bosses of police officers was evident in a video I recently watched. In it, a Nigerian expressed gratitude after recovering money extorted from him by some unscrupulous police officers, thanks to the intervention of the CRU.
“My name is Daniel Ifeanyi. I just want to use this opportunity to thank the Inspector General of Police, the Police CRU, the Police Public Relations Officer, and the entire police force for helping me recover the money that was extorted from me by some bad officers. This action has restored my confidence in the police force. I encourage people to report their complaints. The police are actually working,” Ifeanyi said while displaying the money in the video.
This development strengthens the perception that the police may be ready to take decisive action against the long-standing challenges of corruption and impunity within the force. What is now essential is sustained public demand for continuity and expansion of these reforms, particularly the CRU initiative.
There is a clear need for every Police Command across the 36 states and the FCT to establish well-resourced, responsive teams dedicated to receiving and resolving citizen complaints promptly, before they escalate to social media. This proactive approach is a strategic model that all Commissioners of Police should seriously consider and institutionalise.
I was also encouraged by a viral video posted by a Nigerian identified as Rhapstar, which exposed misconduct and incivility by officers attached to the Satellite Town Division in the Festac area of Lagos State. I was personally irked when I heard a police officer in the video saying, “I will loose guard you.”
But the swift response of the police authorities to summon the Divisional Police Officer and the officers involved, obtaining statements, and initiating investigations in line with established procedures, is reassuring, and this demonstrates a renewed commitment to accountability.
Preliminary findings indicate that the incident occurred in May 2025. It is noteworthy that, due to Disu’s encouragement for citizens to report misconduct, the complainant felt confident enough to come forward with video evidence.
The investigation is ongoing, and it is reassuring that the Force Management Team under Disu has reiterated that the rule of law remains non-negotiable. This stance must be sustained: no officer should be above the law, and where misconduct is established, appropriate sanctions must follow. Justice must not only be done but must be seen to be done.
It is also commendable that, within his early days in office, Disu has advanced discussions on the establishment of state police. By constituting a committee to develop an implementation framework from the police perspective, now submitted to the National Assembly, he has taken a bold and strategic step toward addressing the country’s persistent security challenges.
I would, however, respectfully urge the Inspector-General of Police to revisit the proposed 60-month execution timeline, with a view to accelerating the process and enabling more timely realisation of this critical reform.
From an operational standpoint, another significant reform is the nationwide restructuring and reduction of police tactical units to enhance efficiency, accountability, and supervision. The new policy limits Zonal and State Commands to a maximum of five tactical teams, and Area Commands and Divisions to three.
This “precision cut,” as it has been described, aims to curb the proliferation of tactical units, improve oversight, reduce excesses, and redeploy more officers to regular station duties.
Equally commendable is Disu’s welfare initiative for serving officers and the families of those who died in the line of duty. Through the “Inspector General of Police Family Welfare Scheme,” meaningful support has been extended to bereaved families across the country, reaffirming that their sacrifices are neither forgotten nor taken for granted.
Notably, within less than a month of assuming office, he facilitated the disbursement of ₦2.4 billion to 1,075 families, an impactful gesture that underscores the profound debt owed to those who gave their lives in service of the nation’s safety and peace.
Furthermore, Disu has strengthened inter-agency collaboration with the Army, Air Force, Navy, DSS, and other security agencies. This synergy is already yielding positive results in the fight against crime and has been extended to civil society organisations, the Police Community Relations Committee, and state governments.
For me, in setting the agenda ahead, there must be sustained efforts to deploy modern technology in tackling insecurity, particularly insurgency, banditry, and kidnapping. It is encouraging that, within days of assuming office, Disu visited Borno, Plateau, and Kwara States to assess security situations firsthand and engage directly with officers, victims, and stakeholders.
This proactive approach reflects his reputation as a field-oriented officer who leads from the front rather than relying solely on reports. I look forward to a more intelligence-driven policing model that leverages technology to effectively investigate, arrest, and prosecute criminals and their sponsors, while proactively preventing emerging threats.
Finally, I am of the strong view that the introduction of body cameras for police officers nationwide would significantly curb misconduct and provide critical evidence for investigations and prosecutions, and Disu is well placed to make this happen.
Addendum
As for the IGP’s tenure debate, this has been clearly addressed in Part III, Section 7 of the Police Act 2020, which outlines the procedures for appointment, removal, functions, and powers of the office.
According to the Act, which I have read, Section 7(3) states that the IGP shall be appointed by the President on the advice of the Police Council from among serving members of the Police Force.
Section 7(4) provides that the IGP shall not be removed from office except for gross misconduct, violation of the Constitution, or incapacity, while Section 7(5) stipulates that such removal must be made by the President on the advice of the Police Council.
Section 7(6), which addresses tenure, clearly states that the officeholder “shall hold office for four years.”
The operative word — “shall”— denotes a mandatory obligation, reinforcing the intent of the law to ensure stability, continuity, and accountability within the police leadership.
As IGP Disu marks his birthday today, I wish him good health, long life, and the wisdom to lead effectively. I look forward to four years of enhanced security architecture and transformative policing under his leadership.
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COLUMN
What one officer told me about IGP Disu
By Adeniran Bamisaye
Years ago, while driving in Lagos, a police officer stopped me. Nothing unusual. He asked for my vehicle particulars, and I handed them over—perhaps not in the most cheerful manner at first. But somewhere between the routine and the silence, a conversation started. I asked him about his work, just casually, and then I mentioned a name—Olatunji Disu.
At the time, he wasn’t the Inspector-General yet; I believe he was still a Commissioner of Police. But the moment I mentioned the name, something changed in the officer’s expression. “Ah! That man…” he said, almost cutting himself short. Curious, I asked what he meant.
What followed stayed with me. He told me that when he served under Disu in Owo, Ondo State, there was one thing he could never forget: you could not work with him and be hungry. Not because of charity or handouts, but because he genuinely cared about the welfare of the officers under his command. Then, he added something that struck me deeply—he could beat his chest and say that this was a leader who cared.
That immediately reminded me of something a mentor once told me: “You can measure a leader by how much they care about the welfare of their people.” That day, on the roadside, in a conversation I didn’t plan to have, I heard a testimony, not from a podium or a press release, but from someone who had experienced that leadership up close.
When he was eventually appointed Inspector-General of Police, one theme stood out clearly: welfare. And I believed it, not because it sounded good, but because I had already heard the evidence. But beyond words, actions began to follow, and what stood out was not just the actions themselves, but the speed with which they came. In a system where delay is often the norm, responsiveness becomes a language of its own.
One of the earliest signals was symbolic, yet powerful, the decision to organise a proper pulling-out parade for his predecessor, something that had not happened in about 16 years. Institutions are not only built on systems; they are sustained by memory, respect, and continuity, and that moment quietly restored all three.
Beyond symbolism, there were more structural signals. There has been a renewed push around accountability, with a visible willingness to ensure that erring officers are not shielded but disciplined. There has also been a reawakening of channels like the Complaint Response Unit, reinforcing the idea that citizens should not feel voiceless in their encounters with the police. Alongside this is a clear direction toward modernisation, strengthening investigative capacity, embracing technology, and repositioning policing to be more intelligence-led than force-driven.
Aside from these developments, there has also been public conversation around the legality of tenure, particularly in light of existing age and compulsory retirement provisions within the service. However, the Police Act 2020 introduced a defining shift. Section 7(6) provides that the Inspector-General of Police shall hold office for a term of four years, establishing a fixed tenure framework that differs from the traditional retirement structure.
In many ways, this reflects an attempt to balance institutional continuity with leadership stability. And while such interpretations may continue to generate debate, what often matters most is not just the legal framework itself, but how the time it creates is used. In this instance, the focus has remained less on tenure and more on direction, how leadership translates time in office into action, presence, and measurable signals of change.
Beyond these structural efforts, there has also been a pattern of presence. In moments of crisis, leadership has not remained distant. From visits to places like Jos and Kwara following incidents of violence, there has been a visible effort to show up, not just as a figurehead, but as a steadying presence in difficult times. In a country where communities often feel abandoned in the aftermath of tragedy, such gestures carry weight. They signal attention, urgency, and a willingness to engage realities on the ground rather than from afar. Sometimes, presence itself becomes a form of reassurance, both to officers on duty and to citizens watching closely.
Then came a moment that, for me, brought everything into perspective. I watched him oversee the disbursement of funds to families of fallen officers, and as I did, something unexpected happened; I found myself emotional. Yes, the funds were not his personally, but leadership is not just about ownership; it is about priority. He could have delayed it or treated it as routine, but he didn’t, and that mattered.
I watched widows and families step forward, each carrying a weight that words cannot fully capture. One woman, in particular, struggled to receive her cheque, not because it was heavy, but because she was overwhelmed with emotion. That moment said more than any speech ever could. It was a reminder that beyond the uniform, beyond the structure, beyond the system, there are people, and in that moment, they were seen.
Perhaps, this is where the conversation about reform truly begins. This year’s National Police Day, held on April 7, 2026, at Eagle Square, Abuja, carried a theme that feels less like a slogan and more like a direction: “Community Partnership: Building Trust.” When placed alongside these actions—welfare, accountability, institutional respect, responsiveness, and presence- it begins to feel less like ambition and more like alignment.
Trust is not declared; it is built slowly and consistently. When an officer feels cared for, he carries himself differently. When he feels seen, he is more likely to see others. When accountability becomes real internally, credibility begins to form externally. What we may be witnessing is not just administrative change, but the early signs of a cultural shift, the kind that cannot be forced, only lived.
In the end, the relationship between the police and the people will not be repaired by announcements. It will be rebuilt through moments, moments like a roadside conversation, moments like a widow being seen, moments residents feel safe in their communities, and each time they spot police officers, moments where leadership moves from position to presence. And perhaps that is where real reform begins, not when it is declared, but when it is felt.
Adeniran Bamisaye writes from Lagos
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COLUMN
On The Issue Of Prof. Joash Amupitan, SAN And Hon. Solomon Dalung: An Insider’s Account
By Dr. John B. Mahwel
1. Firstly, I am a product of the Faculty of Law, University of Jos, having obtained my Diploma in Law, Bachelor of Laws (LL.B), Master of Laws (LL.M), and PhD all from the same institution.
In that sense, I can rightly be described as “Made in Jos.” I will forever remain grateful to the Faculty of Law and the University of Jos, my alma mater.
2. For the purpose of this piece, I must also express my appreciation to both Hon. Solomon Dalung and Prof. Joash Amupitan, SAN as well as to all present, former, and retired professors and lecturers of the Faculty of Law, University of Jos who taught me as a student.
I am particularly proud that this Faculty has produced such distinguished individuals, alongside many other notable personalities who have contributed meaningfully to society at both local and international levels.
Of the two individuals under discussion, one is a former Honourable Minister of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, while the other is the current Chairman of INEC. This is indeed a great honour and blessing to the Faculty.
3. In terms of their states of origin, Hon. Dalung is from Plateau State, while Prof. Amupitan is from Kogi State. I am also from Plateau State. However, my position in this matter is not influenced by sentiment but by my membership of the 2009 graduating class and my duty to set the record straight.
4. My Acquaintance with both Personalities:
I first met Prof. Amupitan as a Diploma student, when he taught me Law of Evidence, a course I later had the privilege of teaching alongside him for about thirteen years before his eventual appointment as INEC Chairman.
5. After completing my Diploma programme, I gained Direct Entry admission into the Faculty of Law. Upon resumption, the first person I encountered was Hon. Solomon Dalung, who was then my 200 Level Coordinator. At that time, I was not particularly close to Prof. Amupitan, as he did not teach me again until my 400 Level, when he handled Law of Evidence once more.
6. My First Encounter with Hon. Solomon Dalung in the classroom was quite striking. Unlike the conventional appearance of law lecturers in formal suits, he often appeared in full traditional attire and even brought water in a calabash rather than a bottle. While this initially surprised many students, we gradually became accustomed to his distinctive style.
His dressing reflected his teaching personality, authoritative, bold, and uniquely expressive, setting him apart from the conventional academic mould.
Hon. Dalung did not remain long in academic service, as he later ventured into politics, contesting for a seat in the House of Representatives against Hon. Beni Lar. It later became known that her father, the late Solomon Lar, had been his political benefactor.
Following the unsuccessful bid, Hon. Dalung sought to return to the Faculty.
In 2013, we both attended the interview, myself and others for regularization, and he for re-engagement. Although he was not reappointed at the time, destiny had greater plans for him, as he was later appointed a Minister of the Federal Republic of Nigeria just two years later.
7. A Notable Experience with Prof. Amupitan
Let me briefly recount an important experience with Prof. Amupitan before addressing the central issue of this piece. As a member of the 2009 graduating class, Law of Evidence was one of my best courses in the 400-level. At the time, I had no idea that I would later return to teach the same course.
Unknown to me, Prof. Amupitan kept records of students he considered outstanding. A few months after completing my NYSC in Ondo State, I received a call informing me that I had been appointed a Graduate Assistant in the Faculty of Law owing to my outstanding performance at the LL.B class. After receiving the letter, I proceeded to the Faculty of Law to report. Upon seeing me, Prof. Amupitan was delighted.
He immediately opened his drawer and showed me a recommendation letter he had written to the Vice Chancellor in support of my employment, though he had not yet submitted it. Remarkably, I had already been appointed.
He congratulated me and advised that the entry point for Law Lecturers is Assistant Lecturer and not Graduate Assistant, and he took immediate steps to correct the anomaly. He also indicated his intention to mentor me, particularly because of my performance in Law of Evidence. He did this out of goodwill, and it was for the system, not because of any personal or ethnic connection, but purely on merit.
8. On the Issue of Integrity
As a member of the 2009 graduating class, I consider it necessary to clarify the aspersion cast by Honourable Dalung on the integrity of Professor Amupitan.
I will like to state outright that Professor Amupitan, having been a student under him and worked closely with him, is a man of integrity and one of the best Deans to have served in the Faculty of Law, University of Jos.
The record is there for everyone to see. I think it will be unfair if I don’t come out to speak this gospel truth since Honourable Dalung said the students of the 2009 set are still alive and they could confirm from them. Professor Amupitan’s reputation speaks for him, and a lot of his colleagues and students are so unhappy about Hon Dalung’s attempt to rubbish his reputation for political reasons. This type of politicking frightens some of us.
To the best of my knowledge, there was indeed an issue relating to result processing during our time. At that period, examination scripts were manually marked, and results were prepared and forwarded to departmental secretaries for electronic processing.
This system created gaps in the chain of custody, which were unfortunately exploited by some individuals to manipulate and upgrade students’ results, often without the knowledge of lecturers or Faculty authorities. These irregularities were largely traced to non-academic staff.
Professor Amupitan had recently been appointed as the Dean of the Faculty in 2009, and there were a series of complaints of result manipulation and several errors contained in the final year results that year.
Importantly, it was the lecturers themselves who detected these discrepancies and reported to him. He then ordered an investigation. The result of the investigation confirmed that some students had indeed been awarded unmerited grades, and the Faculty decided to reflect their true grades.
I recalled when the result was finally approved, Professor Amupitan was even out of the country, and the Faculty Board of Examiners was chaired (in his absence) by another respected Professor of Law, who is also a Senior Advocate of Nigeria.
The Minutes and proceedings of the Faculty Board Meeting where the result was approved will show clearly that the allegation was untrue. Consequently, corrective measures were implemented, and the affected results were reviewed and reverted to their original scores.
It is crucial to emphasise that this action affected students across all categories, not only those in the Second Class Upper division, but also those in Second Class Lower and Third Class categories. In fact, some students were unable to graduate with the 2009 set as a result of this sanitisation.
It set a new tone for the Faculty and the effort was well appreciated by the students. In my considered view, this development should be seen as a demonstration of institutional integrity, a Faculty leadership committed to upholding standards rather than condoning irregularities. If nothing, Professor Amupitan ought to be commended for that bold step.
9. Regarding the claim that a serving Deputy Inspector General graduated with a Second Class Upper division, I state categorically that, to the best of my knowledge as a member of the 2009 set, there was no serving Deputy Inspector General in our class. This, however, remains a matter open to public verification.
10.I must also state unequivocally that throughout my time in the Faculty of Law, both as a student and as a staff member, I have never been aware of any act that would call into question the integrity of Prof. Amupitan.
He has served in numerous high-level positions, including Head of Department, Dean of Law, Chairman of the Committee of Deans and Directors, Member of the Council of Legal Education, two time Governing Council member of UniJos, Pro Chancellor of another University, and Deputy Vice Chancellor, among others. If there had been any credible integrity concerns, they would have surfaced long before now.
12. On the Issue of Alleged Frustration
It is also important to clarify that when Hon. Dalung was pursuing his Master’s degree at the University of Jos, Prof. Amupitan had not yet been elected Dean of the Faculty of Law. It is therefore difficult to sustain any claim that he could have frustrated Hon Dalung in that capacity.
Furthermore, no Dean has the unilateral power to victimise or frustrate a student on the basis of the issues that affected the 2009 set. Academic processes are subject to institutional checks and collective decision-making mechanisms.
13.Conclusion
In conclusion, I am not one given to frequent public commentary, particularly on social media. However, I felt compelled to write because this issue directly concerns my class, the 2009 set, and my alma mater.
While I hold both individuals in high regard, I urge caution, especially in this politically sensitive period, regarding the nature of information disseminated to the public.
In my humble opinion, Hon. Solomon Dalung went too far in his attack on the integrity of Prof. Amupitan. If there are grievances, whether relating to his non-reinstatement into the University or issues concerning the ADC and INEC, they should not be presented in a manner that risks misleading the public, particularly given his status as a former Minister of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the effort being made by Professor Amupitan to restore public trust in the electoral system.
This is calling a dog a bad name to hang him. To call Professor Amupitan I know a man of “zero integrity” is false, misleading and unacceptable.
14.Thank you for taking the time to read this. I hope the general public is better informed, particularly regarding the issue raised by Honourable Dalung about my Class set of 2009.
May God bless Nigeria
E-signed
Dr. John B. Mahwel
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