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National Assembly: Theatre Of The Absurd’

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National Assembly: Theatre Of The Absurd'

By Akpandem James

On Sunday July 12, 2020 it was announced that the Federal Government has officially handed over the National Arts Theatre Complex at Iganmu, Lagos, to the Central Bank of Nigeria and the banks under the aegis of the Banker’s Committee, for renovation. On Monday, July 20, 2020 the national troupe moved to the new national theatre in the Three Arms Zone in Abuja, a facility officially built for the National Assembly. Within three days of its arrival in Abuja the troupe acted three plays that produced three blockbuster movies and a hit music single, as at the time of writing this piece.

The presentations also heightened the call for the return of the “Kalo-Kalo” machine called Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) to the Presidency where a Personal Identification Number (PIN) would be required to draw palliatives from the money dispenser. It is not surprising because it has always been in our character to look for the easy way out of challenges instead of striving to find lasting solutions to them.

Nonetheless, the scenarios issuing from the reckless cannibalising of the Commission in the recent past by some privileged persons are no longer funny. The spectacles couched in dramatic exposures smacks of absolute insensitivity and are no longer acceptable.

As if the mindless ransacking of the Commission’s treasury is not enough slap on the people’s face, the pretence of investigating the heist in the House of Representatives has been reduced to dramatic scenarios that have produced materials for stage plays. The first play titled the Fainting MD staged on Monday starred the Managing Director of NDDC’s Interim Management Committee, Professor Kemebradikumo Pondei and members of the House of Representatives Committee on Niger Delta.

Just as the euphoria and hysteria that greeted the act of Fainting MD was dying down, another drama titled Honourable Minister Isokay was on stage starring the Minister of Niger Delta Affairs, Senator Godswill Akpabio; sitting Chairman House Committee on Niger Delta, Hon Thomas Ereyitomi (representing Warri Federal Constituency – Delta State); and a member of the Committee, Hon. Boma Goodhead (Akoku-Toru/Asari Toru Federal Constituency – Rivers State). The third drama was titled Lagos Boys, starring Labour and Productivity Minister, Dr Chris Nigige and Chairman House Committee on Labour, Hon Abiodun James Faleke. Within 24 hours of the second act, Yemi Shodimu, actor and comedian, had released a hit music single also entitled Honourable Minister Isokay.

It is no longer in doubt that Nigerians are talented actors; that is why Nollywood is highly rated in the global movie space. We act everywhere and are never short of producers, critics and fans. Even in the most unlikely places, we act and create humour to laugh off our worries. In climes where government business is serious business, the National Assembly is the fulcrum of the democratic process; it is the forum where a country’s government business is monitored; where laws are made for the good governance of the country. Sadly, in Nigeria, it has become the theatre of the absurd where anything goes; both circus clowns and technocrats do business on equal pedestal.

From the “hollow” chamber of the House of Representatives in the last one week, the nation has seen and heard enough to know that we are in a serious bind, a situation which requires more than just impotent anger to extricate ourselves. Issues that should have been given the utmost seriousness were reduced to theatrics. At the end of the day, matters would move from being Isokay to being Isorite! And everyone would go home, some happy and the rest angry and sulking.

On Monday the NDDC IMC was before the House Committee on Niger Delta to answer questions on the alleged misappropriation of N40 billion. While the chairman of the Committee was trying to find out from Pondei why some monies were spent in perceived inappropriate formats, the man in a slow motion leaned on the desk with his head and “fainted”. It caused a rush in the room – some trying to resuscitate, some trying to prevent clenched teeth, some fanning, some sprinkling water and of course some taking photographs. That was the end of the sitting.

Later in the day the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila, indicated that the MD might not be asked to return for the probe. We were to hear later that Pondei had been indisposed before his appearance at the panel on the fateful day (which is the new normal with our accused executives), but he ignored his doctors instructions.

If the nation thought it was witnessing another version of the Dino Melaye specialty, it was to be visited by another bizarre spectacle with a tinge of absolute desperation and apprehension. Senator Akpabio had been drilled by members who acted as if they had personal scores to settle with him. The man known for his uncommon dispositions dropped a line which provoked a chain of “it is okay,” “it’s okay”, “Isokay” and eventually “off the mic”.  The desperation to stop Akpabio from explaining the issue of contract awards to the National Assembly members was frenetic. The chairman started speaking in tongues. He became unstable on his seat and tried frantically to physically restrain both Akpabio and Goodhead when the gavel lost its potency. Behold the script of the drama Honorable Minister Isokay:

Akpabio: Who are even the greatest beneficiaries (of these contracts)? It’s you people now! Because if you look at your chairman… (interrupted)

Ereyitomi (banging the gavel): Honourable Minister, that’s okay,”

Goodhead: (tried to dismiss the claim made by the minister)

Akpabio: I just told you that we have records to show that most of the contracts in the NDDC are given out to members of the National Assembly, but you don’t know about it, but the two chairmen (of the Niger Delta Committees in both chambers) know.

Ereyitomi (banging the gavel repeatedly): Honourable Minister, it’s okay; it’s okay.”

Goodhead: Wait, wait, you were a member of the NDDC Committee in the 8th Assembly, are you telling me that lots of jobs were awarded to you?

Akpabio: That is the problem. May I inform my honourable sister that that is why we have to change the modus operandi… (interrupted again)

Ereyitomi (banging the gavel again and again): It’s okay; it’s okay! (Akpabio and Goodhead engaged in a heated debate) “Honourable member; Honourable Minister, it’s okay; I say isokay!

Akpabio: Let me explain (interrupted by Ereyitomi with isokay, isokay). Let me explain now! You must not allow the two chairmen to … (interrupted with more isokay…)

Ereyitomi: (now becoming hysterical and shifting on his seat towards Goodhead) … it is okay; it’s okay, isokay Honourable member, Hon Minister isokay!

Akpabio (to Goodhead) my sister, you are like me, I was a member like you I did not know what was going on.

Ereyitomi (becoming agitated) Honorable Minister Isokay; Isokay, off your mic!

Akpabio: Okay Chairman.

Within 12 hours after the act, Shodimu came out with a hit single that went viral on all the social media platforms. Almost every WhatsApp group had the video of the “album” the moment it was released into cyberspace. Shodimu would have sold millions of copies if he had put it out in the market on compact disc! The main issue was relegated to the background.

During that session Akpabio was roaring as if he was going to squeal. The acting chairman and some members became apprehensive. They thought he would spoil the show and rubbish some members if not restrained. That was why Ereyitomi became desperate almost to the extent of physically reaching across in an attempt to restrain Goodhead who took on Akpabio insisting he must substantiate his claim. They did not know that it was an escape route for the Uncommon Transformer.

The Akpabio jab sunk into the ribs of the lawmakers and Speaker Gbajabiamila, became agitated. He threatened legal action against Akpabio if he did not substantiate his claim with clear evidence within 24 to 48 hours. Akpabio recanted on Thursday claiming that what he said on Tuesday during the committee session did not mean exactly what the Speaker heard.

Even before the recant, a commentator who claims to understand the Akpabio phenomenon like the back of his hand had this to say: “During the hearing Akpabio threw a monkey wrench and the entire Committee was blindsided and never really recovered from the sucker punch … The Committee reeled, had no reply and was reduced to begging Akpabio to stop further punishment. Yet, the simple and fitting retort for Akpabio from the Committee would have been: let’s have your evidence. I bet you Akpabio didn’t have that evidence.”

But did the recant mean that what Akpabio said on that day was without substance? It would be difficult to admit so because Pondei had said something similar before and the Executive Director in charge of Projects in the IMC, Dr Cairo Ojougbo had been saying the same thing and naming names at every given opportunity. Akpabio may just have decided to take a second look at the issue with an elder’s eye; not necessarily that he was completely lying. He still carries the tile of a senator; so he is one of them and understands the meaning of esprit de corps. I suspect it couldn’t have been solely because of the Speaker’s threat.

Threat has become one of the tools of the National Assembly to harass, intimidate and browbeat those who stand on their way. At the slightest disagreement a threat will fly either from the committee or from plenary. Both chambers of the Assembly have used threats to get away with a number of unbecoming situations and are gradually using the same instrument to trespass into the jurisdictions of other arms of government. Resolutions have become orders similar to court verdicts; and separation of powers is only sacrosanct when the Legislature is affected. They now have the powers of the Executive, Legislature and Judiciary combined. They rewrite budgets, they approve them, execute contracts, oversight projects, accuse perceived wrongdoers, prosecute the accused and hand down judgements.

It is quite worrisome that the National Assembly is perceived as being very notorious for the unexpected. They accuse and would not want to be accused. They have become very touchy and overly sensitive. The slightest perception of accusation is followed with a threat of arraignment. Once someone is dragged before them, they reduce the fellow to a punching bag with unbecoming haughtiness. Even the law courts do not exhibit such dispositions against accused persons. The language is often demeaning and it does not matter the status of the person before them. One of such situations provoked the staging of the third drama for the week – Lagos boys!

In Lagos Boys, Labour and Employment Minister, Dr Chris Nigige, squared up with Hon, Abiodun James Faleke, who represents Ikeja Federal Constituency –Lagos, in the House and was sitting as Chairman of the House Committee on Finance. Faleke is known to be an ally of the APC chieftain, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. The APC National Leader’s name was dragged into the fray. Apparently uncomfortable with Faleke’s jabs during the session, an exchange ensued:

Ngige: As for Faleke, they say he is up to 60 years of age, I don’t know,”

Faleke: I am 60 plus.

Ngige: Aha! So, you are near my age, but I am at least 7 years older than you. I am the same age as your mentor in Lagos, Asiwaju. And I was governor with him at the same time, he was a senator, I was a senator. I am a two-time minister, he isn’t a two-time minister…”

Faleke (cuts in) But he (Asiwaju) won all his elections very well (apparently referring to Ngige’s several failed attempts at elections).

Ngige: No problem about that. Just like you won your own in Kogi State very well. And you are now the deputy governor and governor of Kogi State (He also taunted Faleke who was on a joint ticket as deputy governorship candidate to Abubakar Audu in Kogi in 2015).

Faleke: Yes, yes … (interrupted by another member of the House committee who asked the Minister to please respond to the questions put to him.

Ngige: I am responding, my friend,” (then referring to Faleke) “If you yab me, I yab you ten times. I am a Lagos boy. You are just a small boy in Lagos. Ah ah! Look at this boy o! Mushin boy is talking to a VI boy! I live in Victoria Island. Look at this Mushin boy from Kogi o! You are Ogborogbo (Ogbologbo). Just go. I no get time for you. Kilonshe?”

And this was at a session where a very serious issue of mismanagement of public funds was being investigated; where Ngige had accused the management of the Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund (NSITF) of misappropriating N48 billion. At the end of it all, the news that went viral was the spat, not the issue at stake.

All over the world scenarios like these are commonplace in parliament, so the issue is not that these things happen; it is rather that in the Nigerian situation these scenarios often signal the end of the exercise. You hear the commotion when it starts, but nothing else thereafter. You hear the raging storm; then see clear skies. No rain, no flood, no consequences known to the public.

That is why the public is growing very weary of the noise often presented as probes because they fizzle out with the same frenzy that brought the issues. Senate wants NDDC IMC sacked and for them to refund N4.923 billion alleged illegal payments to staff, contractors, etc. We are watching. Let’s hope it is not hot air to clear the coast for another set of actors to appear on the scene for another season of carnivals.

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Disu: A strong start, next step is technology

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BY TUNDE OPESEITAN

Two months is undoubtedly too short a period to fully assess any administration. However, as the saying goes, the fragrance of a beautiful Saturday is carried on the breeze of Friday. For the new Inspector General of Police, IGP Olatunji Disu, the early signs are encouraging, promising, and reassuring of better days ahead for the Nigeria Police Force.

As a journalist with a particular interest in crime and judiciary reporting, I have closely observed and documented the engagements, initiatives, and deliberate reforms championed by Disu. From my keen observation, I can confidently project an improved security architecture from a policing perspective, provided the IGP sustains this positive trajectory and leverages other critical areas, especially the large-scale deployment of technology to combat insecurity.

One of the most notable strides of Disu within his first two months in office is the revitalisation of the Police Complaint Response Unit (CRU), aimed at swiftly addressing misconduct and restoring public confidence in the police.

The sincerity of Disu’s declaration on his first day in office to the effect that the people are the true bosses of police officers was evident in a video I recently watched. In it, a Nigerian expressed gratitude after recovering money extorted from him by some unscrupulous police officers, thanks to the intervention of the CRU.

“My name is Daniel Ifeanyi. I just want to use this opportunity to thank the Inspector General of Police, the Police CRU, the Police Public Relations Officer, and the entire police force for helping me recover the money that was extorted from me by some bad officers. This action has restored my confidence in the police force. I encourage people to report their complaints. The police are actually working,” Ifeanyi said while displaying the money in the video.

This development strengthens the perception that the police may be ready to take decisive action against the long-standing challenges of corruption and impunity within the force. What is now essential is sustained public demand for continuity and expansion of these reforms, particularly the CRU initiative.
There is a clear need for every Police Command across the 36 states and the FCT to establish well-resourced, responsive teams dedicated to receiving and resolving citizen complaints promptly, before they escalate to social media. This proactive approach is a strategic model that all Commissioners of Police should seriously consider and institutionalise.

I was also encouraged by a viral video posted by a Nigerian identified as Rhapstar, which exposed misconduct and incivility by officers attached to the Satellite Town Division in the Festac area of Lagos State. I was personally irked when I heard a police officer in the video saying, “I will loose guard you.”

But the swift response of the police authorities to summon the Divisional Police Officer and the officers involved, obtaining statements, and initiating investigations in line with established procedures, is reassuring, and this demonstrates a renewed commitment to accountability.

Preliminary findings indicate that the incident occurred in May 2025. It is noteworthy that, due to Disu’s encouragement for citizens to report misconduct, the complainant felt confident enough to come forward with video evidence.

The investigation is ongoing, and it is reassuring that the Force Management Team under Disu has reiterated that the rule of law remains non-negotiable. This stance must be sustained: no officer should be above the law, and where misconduct is established, appropriate sanctions must follow. Justice must not only be done but must be seen to be done.

It is also commendable that, within his early days in office, Disu has advanced discussions on the establishment of state police. By constituting a committee to develop an implementation framework from the police perspective, now submitted to the National Assembly, he has taken a bold and strategic step toward addressing the country’s persistent security challenges.

I would, however, respectfully urge the Inspector-General of Police to revisit the proposed 60-month execution timeline, with a view to accelerating the process and enabling more timely realisation of this critical reform.
From an operational standpoint, another significant reform is the nationwide restructuring and reduction of police tactical units to enhance efficiency, accountability, and supervision. The new policy limits Zonal and State Commands to a maximum of five tactical teams, and Area Commands and Divisions to three.

This “precision cut,” as it has been described, aims to curb the proliferation of tactical units, improve oversight, reduce excesses, and redeploy more officers to regular station duties.

Equally commendable is Disu’s welfare initiative for serving officers and the families of those who died in the line of duty. Through the “Inspector General of Police Family Welfare Scheme,” meaningful support has been extended to bereaved families across the country, reaffirming that their sacrifices are neither forgotten nor taken for granted.

Notably, within less than a month of assuming office, he facilitated the disbursement of ₦2.4 billion to 1,075 families, an impactful gesture that underscores the profound debt owed to those who gave their lives in service of the nation’s safety and peace.

Furthermore, Disu has strengthened inter-agency collaboration with the Army, Air Force, Navy, DSS, and other security agencies. This synergy is already yielding positive results in the fight against crime and has been extended to civil society organisations, the Police Community Relations Committee, and state governments.

For me, in setting the agenda ahead, there must be sustained efforts to deploy modern technology in tackling insecurity, particularly insurgency, banditry, and kidnapping. It is encouraging that, within days of assuming office, Disu visited Borno, Plateau, and Kwara States to assess security situations firsthand and engage directly with officers, victims, and stakeholders.

This proactive approach reflects his reputation as a field-oriented officer who leads from the front rather than relying solely on reports. I look forward to a more intelligence-driven policing model that leverages technology to effectively investigate, arrest, and prosecute criminals and their sponsors, while proactively preventing emerging threats.

Finally, I am of the strong view that the introduction of body cameras for police officers nationwide would significantly curb misconduct and provide critical evidence for investigations and prosecutions, and Disu is well placed to make this happen.

Addendum

As for the IGP’s tenure debate, this has been clearly addressed in Part III, Section 7 of the Police Act 2020, which outlines the procedures for appointment, removal, functions, and powers of the office.

According to the Act, which I have read, Section 7(3) states that the IGP shall be appointed by the President on the advice of the Police Council from among serving members of the Police Force.

Section 7(4) provides that the IGP shall not be removed from office except for gross misconduct, violation of the Constitution, or incapacity, while Section 7(5) stipulates that such removal must be made by the President on the advice of the Police Council.

Section 7(6), which addresses tenure, clearly states that the officeholder “shall hold office for four years.”

The operative word — “shall”— denotes a mandatory obligation, reinforcing the intent of the law to ensure stability, continuity, and accountability within the police leadership.

As IGP Disu marks his birthday today, I wish him good health, long life, and the wisdom to lead effectively. I look forward to four years of enhanced security architecture and transformative policing under his leadership.

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What one officer told me about IGP Disu

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By Adeniran Bamisaye

Years ago, while driving in Lagos, a police officer stopped me. Nothing unusual. He asked for my vehicle particulars, and I handed them over—perhaps not in the most cheerful manner at first. But somewhere between the routine and the silence, a conversation started. I asked him about his work, just casually, and then I mentioned a name—Olatunji Disu.

At the time, he wasn’t the Inspector-General yet; I believe he was still a Commissioner of Police. But the moment I mentioned the name, something changed in the officer’s expression. “Ah! That man…” he said, almost cutting himself short. Curious, I asked what he meant.

What followed stayed with me. He told me that when he served under Disu in Owo, Ondo State, there was one thing he could never forget: you could not work with him and be hungry. Not because of charity or handouts, but because he genuinely cared about the welfare of the officers under his command. Then, he added something that struck me deeply—he could beat his chest and say that this was a leader who cared.

That immediately reminded me of something a mentor once told me: “You can measure a leader by how much they care about the welfare of their people.” That day, on the roadside, in a conversation I didn’t plan to have, I heard a testimony, not from a podium or a press release, but from someone who had experienced that leadership up close.


When he was eventually appointed Inspector-General of Police, one theme stood out clearly: welfare. And I believed it, not because it sounded good, but because I had already heard the evidence. But beyond words, actions began to follow, and what stood out was not just the actions themselves, but the speed with which they came. In a system where delay is often the norm, responsiveness becomes a language of its own.

One of the earliest signals was symbolic, yet powerful, the decision to organise a proper pulling-out parade for his predecessor, something that had not happened in about 16 years. Institutions are not only built on systems; they are sustained by memory, respect, and continuity, and that moment quietly restored all three.

Beyond symbolism, there were more structural signals. There has been a renewed push around accountability, with a visible willingness to ensure that erring officers are not shielded but disciplined. There has also been a reawakening of channels like the Complaint Response Unit, reinforcing the idea that citizens should not feel voiceless in their encounters with the police. Alongside this is a clear direction toward modernisation, strengthening investigative capacity, embracing technology, and repositioning policing to be more intelligence-led than force-driven.

Aside from these developments, there has also been public conversation around the legality of tenure, particularly in light of existing age and compulsory retirement provisions within the service. However, the Police Act 2020 introduced a defining shift. Section 7(6) provides that the Inspector-General of Police shall hold office for a term of four years, establishing a fixed tenure framework that differs from the traditional retirement structure.

In many ways, this reflects an attempt to balance institutional continuity with leadership stability. And while such interpretations may continue to generate debate, what often matters most is not just the legal framework itself, but how the time it creates is used. In this instance, the focus has remained less on tenure and more on direction, how leadership translates time in office into action, presence, and measurable signals of change.

Beyond these structural efforts, there has also been a pattern of presence. In moments of crisis, leadership has not remained distant. From visits to places like Jos and Kwara following incidents of violence, there has been a visible effort to show up, not just as a figurehead, but as a steadying presence in difficult times. In a country where communities often feel abandoned in the aftermath of tragedy, such gestures carry weight. They signal attention, urgency, and a willingness to engage realities on the ground rather than from afar. Sometimes, presence itself becomes a form of reassurance, both to officers on duty and to citizens watching closely.

Then came a moment that, for me, brought everything into perspective. I watched him oversee the disbursement of funds to families of fallen officers, and as I did, something unexpected happened; I found myself emotional. Yes, the funds were not his personally, but leadership is not just about ownership; it is about priority. He could have delayed it or treated it as routine, but he didn’t, and that mattered.

I watched widows and families step forward, each carrying a weight that words cannot fully capture. One woman, in particular, struggled to receive her cheque, not because it was heavy, but because she was overwhelmed with emotion. That moment said more than any speech ever could. It was a reminder that beyond the uniform, beyond the structure, beyond the system, there are people, and in that moment, they were seen.

Perhaps, this is where the conversation about reform truly begins. This year’s National Police Day, held on April 7, 2026, at Eagle Square, Abuja, carried a theme that feels less like a slogan and more like a direction: “Community Partnership: Building Trust.” When placed alongside these actions—welfare, accountability, institutional respect, responsiveness, and presence- it begins to feel less like ambition and more like alignment.

Trust is not declared; it is built slowly and consistently. When an officer feels cared for, he carries himself differently. When he feels seen, he is more likely to see others. When accountability becomes real internally, credibility begins to form externally. What we may be witnessing is not just administrative change, but the early signs of a cultural shift, the kind that cannot be forced, only lived.

In the end, the relationship between the police and the people will not be repaired by announcements. It will be rebuilt through moments, moments like a roadside conversation, moments like a widow being seen, moments residents feel safe in their communities, and each time they spot police officers, moments where leadership moves from position to presence. And perhaps that is where real reform begins, not when it is declared, but when it is felt.

Adeniran Bamisaye writes from Lagos

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On The Issue Of Prof. Joash Amupitan, SAN And Hon. Solomon Dalung: An Insider’s Account

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By Dr. John B. Mahwel

1. Firstly, I am a product of the Faculty of Law, University of Jos, having obtained my Diploma in Law, Bachelor of Laws (LL.B), Master of Laws (LL.M), and PhD all from the same institution.

In that sense, I can rightly be described as “Made in Jos.” I will forever remain grateful to the Faculty of Law and the University of Jos, my alma mater.

2. For the purpose of this piece, I must also express my appreciation to both Hon. Solomon Dalung and Prof. Joash Amupitan, SAN as well as to all present, former, and retired professors and lecturers of the Faculty of Law, University of Jos who taught me as a student.

I am particularly proud that this Faculty has produced such distinguished individuals, alongside many other notable personalities who have contributed meaningfully to society at both local and international levels.

Of the two individuals under discussion, one is a former Honourable Minister of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, while the other is the current Chairman of INEC. This is indeed a great honour and blessing to the Faculty.

3. In terms of their states of origin, Hon. Dalung is from Plateau State, while Prof. Amupitan is from Kogi State. I am also from Plateau State. However, my position in this matter is not influenced by sentiment but by my membership of the 2009 graduating class and my duty to set the record straight.

4. My Acquaintance with both Personalities:

I first met Prof. Amupitan as a Diploma student, when he taught me Law of Evidence, a course I later had the privilege of teaching alongside him for about thirteen years before his eventual appointment as INEC Chairman.

5. After completing my Diploma programme, I gained Direct Entry admission into the Faculty of Law. Upon resumption, the first person I encountered was Hon. Solomon Dalung, who was then my 200 Level Coordinator. At that time, I was not particularly close to Prof. Amupitan, as he did not teach me again until my 400 Level, when he handled Law of Evidence once more.

6. My First Encounter with Hon. Solomon Dalung in the classroom was quite striking. Unlike the conventional appearance of law lecturers in formal suits, he often appeared in full traditional attire and even brought water in a calabash rather than a bottle. While this initially surprised many students, we gradually became accustomed to his distinctive style.

His dressing reflected his teaching personality, authoritative, bold, and uniquely expressive, setting him apart from the conventional academic mould.

Hon. Dalung did not remain long in academic service, as he later ventured into politics, contesting for a seat in the House of Representatives against Hon. Beni Lar. It later became known that her father, the late Solomon Lar, had been his political benefactor.
Following the unsuccessful bid, Hon. Dalung sought to return to the Faculty.

In 2013, we both attended the interview, myself and others for regularization, and he for re-engagement. Although he was not reappointed at the time, destiny had greater plans for him, as he was later appointed a Minister of the Federal Republic of Nigeria just two years later.

7. A Notable Experience with Prof. Amupitan

Let me briefly recount an important experience with Prof. Amupitan before addressing the central issue of this piece. As a member of the 2009 graduating class, Law of Evidence was one of my best courses in the 400-level. At the time, I had no idea that I would later return to teach the same course.

Unknown to me, Prof. Amupitan kept records of students he considered outstanding. A few months after completing my NYSC in Ondo State, I received a call informing me that I had been appointed a Graduate Assistant in the Faculty of Law owing to my outstanding performance at the LL.B class. After receiving the letter, I proceeded to the Faculty of Law to report. Upon seeing me, Prof. Amupitan was delighted.

He immediately opened his drawer and showed me a recommendation letter he had written to the Vice Chancellor in support of my employment, though he had not yet submitted it. Remarkably, I had already been appointed.

He congratulated me and advised that the entry point for Law Lecturers is Assistant Lecturer and not Graduate Assistant, and he took immediate steps to correct the anomaly. He also indicated his intention to mentor me, particularly because of my performance in Law of Evidence. He did this out of goodwill, and it was for the system, not because of any personal or ethnic connection, but purely on merit.

8. On the Issue of Integrity

As a member of the 2009 graduating class, I consider it necessary to clarify the aspersion cast by Honourable Dalung on the integrity of Professor Amupitan.

I will like to state outright that Professor Amupitan, having been a student under him and worked closely with him, is a man of integrity and one of the best Deans to have served in the Faculty of Law, University of Jos.

The record is there for everyone to see. I think it will be unfair if I don’t come out to speak this gospel truth since Honourable Dalung said the students of the 2009 set are still alive and they could confirm from them. Professor Amupitan’s reputation speaks for him, and a lot of his colleagues and students are so unhappy about Hon Dalung’s attempt to rubbish his reputation for political reasons. This type of politicking frightens some of us.

To the best of my knowledge, there was indeed an issue relating to result processing during our time. At that period, examination scripts were manually marked, and results were prepared and forwarded to departmental secretaries for electronic processing.

This system created gaps in the chain of custody, which were unfortunately exploited by some individuals to manipulate and upgrade students’ results, often without the knowledge of lecturers or Faculty authorities. These irregularities were largely traced to non-academic staff.

Professor Amupitan had recently been appointed as the Dean of the Faculty in 2009, and there were a series of complaints of result manipulation and several errors contained in the final year results that year.

Importantly, it was the lecturers themselves who detected these discrepancies and reported to him. He then ordered an investigation. The result of the investigation confirmed that some students had indeed been awarded unmerited grades, and the Faculty decided to reflect their true grades.

I recalled when the result was finally approved, Professor Amupitan was even out of the country, and the Faculty Board of Examiners was chaired (in his absence) by another respected Professor of Law, who is also a Senior Advocate of Nigeria.

The Minutes and proceedings of the Faculty Board Meeting where the result was approved will show clearly that the allegation was untrue. Consequently, corrective measures were implemented, and the affected results were reviewed and reverted to their original scores.

It is crucial to emphasise that this action affected students across all categories, not only those in the Second Class Upper division, but also those in Second Class Lower and Third Class categories. In fact, some students were unable to graduate with the 2009 set as a result of this sanitisation.

It set a new tone for the Faculty and the effort was well appreciated by the students. In my considered view, this development should be seen as a demonstration of institutional integrity, a Faculty leadership committed to upholding standards rather than condoning irregularities. If nothing, Professor Amupitan ought to be commended for that bold step.

9. Regarding the claim that a serving Deputy Inspector General graduated with a Second Class Upper division, I state categorically that, to the best of my knowledge as a member of the 2009 set, there was no serving Deputy Inspector General in our class. This, however, remains a matter open to public verification.

10.I must also state unequivocally that throughout my time in the Faculty of Law, both as a student and as a staff member, I have never been aware of any act that would call into question the integrity of Prof. Amupitan.

He has served in numerous high-level positions, including Head of Department, Dean of Law, Chairman of the Committee of Deans and Directors, Member of the Council of Legal Education, two time Governing Council member of UniJos, Pro Chancellor of another University, and Deputy Vice Chancellor, among others. If there had been any credible integrity concerns, they would have surfaced long before now.

12. On the Issue of Alleged Frustration

It is also important to clarify that when Hon. Dalung was pursuing his Master’s degree at the University of Jos, Prof. Amupitan had not yet been elected Dean of the Faculty of Law. It is therefore difficult to sustain any claim that he could have frustrated Hon Dalung in that capacity.

Furthermore, no Dean has the unilateral power to victimise or frustrate a student on the basis of the issues that affected the 2009 set. Academic processes are subject to institutional checks and collective decision-making mechanisms.

13.Conclusion

In conclusion, I am not one given to frequent public commentary, particularly on social media. However, I felt compelled to write because this issue directly concerns my class, the 2009 set, and my alma mater.

While I hold both individuals in high regard, I urge caution, especially in this politically sensitive period, regarding the nature of information disseminated to the public.

In my humble opinion, Hon. Solomon Dalung went too far in his attack on the integrity of Prof. Amupitan. If there are grievances, whether relating to his non-reinstatement into the University or issues concerning the ADC and INEC, they should not be presented in a manner that risks misleading the public, particularly given his status as a former Minister of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the effort being made by Professor Amupitan to restore public trust in the electoral system.

This is calling a dog a bad name to hang him. To call Professor Amupitan I know a man of “zero integrity” is false, misleading and unacceptable.

14.Thank you for taking the time to read this. I hope the general public is better informed, particularly regarding the issue raised by Honourable Dalung about my Class set of 2009.

May God bless Nigeria

E-signed

Dr. John B. Mahwel

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