COLUMN
Justice Dantijjo, Public Opinion And The Rumble In Supreme Court’s Jungle

By Festus Adedayo
Is there any connect between law and public opinion or judgments and public opinion? Before Justice Musa Dattijo Muhammad’s (rtd) valedictory speech at the Supreme Court last Friday, the connect or disconnect between those two had begun to assume a life of its own. The presidential election judgment delivered by the Supreme Court the day before heightened concerted quests for the nexus or disjuncture between them. In the Dattijo valedictory, it would appear that the Learned Justice had deliberately set out to take the sail off the wind of views which divorced law from judgments and public opinion.
In the valedictory, Dattijo lamented how public perceptions of the judiciary had become “witheringly scornful and monstrously critical”. He was equally worried that “the public space” had been “inundated with the tale that court officials and judges are easily bribed by litigants to obviate delays and or obtain favourable judgments”. Quoting copiously from an earlier valedictory of a Justice of the Court of Appeal, Oludotun Adefope-Okojie, Dattijo read: “Pleas are expressed everyday by the generality of the public begging the judiciary to be just, to be truthful; and to save the country from collapse. My question is whether the judiciary needs to be begged or cajoled? What is it that qualifies any person to bear that exalted name ‘Honourable Justice’? Is it not for him to administer justice without fear or favour?… Unfortunately, it has been severely vilified, with the Apex Court so denigrated and called by a social commentator as a voter gaggle of useless, purchasable judicial bandits. How did the judiciary get to this level? Why is the whole country on edge for fear of what the public regards as unpredictable judicial pronouncements? There must be a rethink and a hard reset. If the people we have sworn to defend have lost confidence, there is a problem that must be addressed.”
Chief Justice of the Federation, Justice Kayode Ariwooola, a few weeks ago, attempted the thrashing of any nexus between judgment and public opinion. While administering oath on 23 newly appointed judges of the Federal High Court in Abuja, Ariwoola sternly warned judicial officers on the need for impartiality in the dispensation of their duties, stating implicitly that public opinion cannot supersede the constitution in any judgment. In the presidential election appeal at the Supreme Court last week, it was apparent that the court harkened to this warning of MiLord. The court sounded the death-knell of public opinion. Ariwoola didn’t believe that there was connect of any kind between the opinion of the people and redemption of society which law, broken into its brass-tacks, represents.
So, when judges deliver their judgments, do they bother about public opinion? Do public opinions sway them? Should it sway them?
Political science gives a prime place to public opinion due to the massive role it plays in government and politics. It gives major attention to the influence public opinion has on the development of government policy. Some political scientists even regard public opinion as equivalent to the national will. In its raw form, public opinion is primarily a communication from the citizens to their government. This is why, in autocratic regimes, such opinions are only expressed in a clandestine manner, if it is expressed at all, but is majorly suppressed. Jeremy Bentham so venerated public opinion that he called it “the tribunal of public opinion” which he believed could prevent misrule and suggest legislative reforms. Philosophers of the enlightenment period believed so much in the efficacy of public opinion that they demanded public communication of governmental acts.
Since Justice Ariwooola made that distinction, public opinion will seem to have suffered mortal blows in the hands of those who eke out their daily meal through canvassing public opinions. Arise Tv duo, Reuben Abati and Rufai Oseni have literally been at professional loggerheads, sparring in a mini rumble on the place of public opinion society. While Oseni was averse to emergency morticians proclaiming the death of considered views of the people, Abati appears to have lent the rabble a hearse to wheel the mercilessly pummeled public opinion to its graveyard. On Friday, in the duo’s final autopsy session on the cadaver of the opinion of the people, Abati had said: “Public opinion is kilometers and kilometers away from law. Law is not about emotions and sentiments…and we have the authority par Niki Tobi JSC in Atiku Abubakar v Umaru Musa Yar’Adua who said that the only clientele of law is the law and not public opinion. People may express what they like at beer parlours. We saw that yesterday as their Lordships dealt only with the law and qua law… the judges, yes they are not going to follow your opinion, they follow technicality of the law. This matter is now rex judicata, settled in law.” Abati even chose to tread the unenviable gas-lighting path that traducers of public opinion walk severally. This he did by equating public opinion to alcohol-induced views at shebeens. The way he argued it, you would think that public opinion was a demon whose spirit needed to be exorcised.
To drive home the metaphysical powers inherent in opinions of the collective, otherwise called public opinion, popular Yoruba Sakara music exponent, S. Aka, alias Baba Wahidi, narrated an instructive fable in his Itan Agilinti album. He must have sung it in the 1960s. Aka was a traditional songster who dominated the musical stratosphere of the Western region of the 1950s, 60s and even up till the late 1980s. He was an Egba of Abeokuta in Ogun State and bitterly rivaled another notable musician who sang same genre of traditional music, Yusuff Olatunji. Aka’s songs were steeped in the tradition and culture of the people of Yorubaland, with occasional tinges of his ancestral Egba dialect jutting out of his rhythms. Proverbs, incantations, wise-sayings and ways of life of the people were dished out in a medley of praise-singing and excoriation of the evils of society.
In this particular album, Aka told the story of a king who, in appreciation of a favour he did to a renowned medicine man, was given a small talismanic gourd. Whenever he had the gourd as amulet around his waist, so said the medicine man, he would hear clearly the exchanges between animals, including domestic ones in the palace. One day, a sheep strolled into his hearing distance in the palace, ostensibly on a visit to another sheep within. Distinctly, the king heard the visiting sheep tell the one in the palace that in the next seven days, the king’s palace would be totally razed down. On the prompting of this revelation, that night, the king evacuated all his costly belongings from the palace. On the said seventh day, the palace was in total flames as the sheep predicted. When the whole town thronged the palace to commiserate with the king, they asked, pleasantly bewildered, how the palace was bereft of any belongings at the time of the inferno. Did the king have premonition that disaster was afoot?
A few weeks after, the same sheep strolled into the palace and in conversation with his pal, revealed to him that the king’s priceless horse would die in the next seven days. As he did earlier, the king pretended he hadn’t heard this foretelling and the second day, sold the horse. Exactly the seventh day of the foretelling, the horse suddenly died in the hands of its purchaser. A couple of weeks after, the sheep again came into the palace and told his peer that exactly seven days thence, the king himself would die. Exasperated and terribly worried, the king, unable to feign understanding of the two sheep’s conversation, moved closer to them and asked what he could do to avert his impending death. The sheep however told him that, no matter what he did, he would surely die. And on the seventh day, the town erupted in mourning as the king kissed the canvass. The morale of the fable was that, if the king had allowed the previous calamities he averted to befall him, they would have acted as propitiations for his life. The animals told him that in the commiserating words of a multitude of the people lay redemption from colossal tragedies.
Yes, public opinion has mutated from its erstwhile kingly role to the place of scorn it currently occupies. Today, it is a dirty and filthy rag which is often held as the province of charlatans. In ancient times, this was not so. First, what is public opinion? Hans Speier, in his Historial development of public opinion, defined it as “free and public communication from citizens to their government on matters of concern to the nation.” In the words of some scholars, public opinion is a synthesis of the views of all or a certain segment of society. In his 1918 writing, American sociologist, Charles Horton Cooley said that public opinion comes from interaction and not as a broad public agreement, while the political scientist, V. O. Key defined public opinion as “opinions held by private persons which governments find it prudent to heed.” In the same vein, American editorialist, Walter Lippman, in a treatise published in 1922, said that the mystery enjoyed by public opinion was given it by democracies. In decades, public opinion has become a powerful force across human spheres of existence like culture, fashion, literature and the arts.
In his valedictory of Friday, Dattijo made a significant dissection of the public perception of the judiciary and his conclusion was that the public was right about some of its opinions on judicial interventions and judgments. Dattijo stood on the side of public opinion. So why would Abati and Justice Ariwoola pour such scorn on public opinion as if it was a filthy rag?
There have always been struggles between law, morality and public opinion on whether there is a relationship between them. Between law and morality, while both regulate behaviours of human beings, there has not been any consensus on their relationship. While a school of thought believes in their mutual independence, another believes they are interdependent and yet another, they are mutually exclusive. The argument is, how does any law that claims to regulate human behavior not be in harmony with moral norms? The law must be such that safeguards the welfare and good of humanity and this can only happen if the law sits firmly on a strong moral template.
While Justice Ariwoola may be right to some extent in his submission that judgment takes no cognizance of public opinion but the technicalities expressed by the books and the constitution, Abati was not right in his claim that “public opinion is kilometers and kilometers away from law.”
Indeed, in their literature, there is a close affinity between law and public opinion, with public opinion being seen as a major source of law. This is because it is almost an impossibility for the legislature to pass any law, for usage by the government, without basing such on public opinion and the demands of the people. In the same vein, public opinion has been held to be the guardian of rights and freedom and this is so because the rights and freedom enjoyed by the public requires adequate protection and these guardians are opinion moulders. No law can operate without public opinion in a democracy and in fact, as underscore of their Siamese relationship, the legislature has been held to be a very important source of law. This legislature is a body of representatives of the people who are expected to be mirror of their opinions in the parliament. In practice, and according to P S. Mathur, “Law should be not firmly rooted in public opinion but should be a little ahead of it”. He was most probably giving heeds to German philosopher, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel who described public opinion as “containing both truth and falsehood” saying that it was the task of the great man to distinguish between the two.
Dattijo’s valedictory is a restoration of a pride of place to public opinion. First, in the earlier valedictory of Adefope-Okojie he cited, that public opinion scion was Saturday Tribune’s inimitable columnist, Farooq Kperogi. Kperogi’s submission that the Supreme Court had become “a voter gaggle of useless, purchasable judicial bandits” was the public opinion that went viral when the Supreme Court affirmed that former Senate President, Ahmed Lawan had won an election he didn’t participate in. For Justice Adefope-Okojie to cite the opinion of Kperogi is an affirmation of agreement with his submission. For Dattijo to now cull it is an affirmation that that greatly vilified opinion of the public space also retains some weight of pride.
Dattijo had deliberated on further issue of “the unpredictable nature of recent decisions of the courts as well” and that “a number of respected senior members of the bar inter alia, citing the Lawan, the former President of the Senate and the Imo governorship appeals, claim that decisions of even the apex court have become unpredictable. It is difficult to understand how and where, by these decisions, the judicial pendulum swings. It was not so before, they contend”. The Learned Justice even went a step further: “In some quarters, the view is strongly held that filth and intrigues characterize the institution these days! Judges are said to be comfortable in companies they never would have kept in the past. It is being insinuated that some judicial officers even campaign for the politicians. It cannot be more damnifying!”
You will recall that the judicial affirmations of the elections of Lawan and the Imo State governor, Hope Uzodinma, in the court of public opinion, irretrievably dimmed the respect and reverence accorded by Nigerians to the apex court. That public opinion that is said not to matter has since removed the rug of legitimacy from Uzodinma as governor. He is mocked as “Supreme Court governor” and I hear that the widespread discontents against his government arose out of the belief that the governorship must have been arranged. If someone didn’t participate in a senatorial election but the apex court awarded him the election, all in the name of technicality, what kind of opinion should the society have about that person and the institution that awarded him that seat? If another one came fourth in a gubernatorial election but a court, which claims it is insulated from public opinion, ordered that the person should be sworn in as governor, what should public opinion say about such a court?
Then Justice Dattijo raised issues about quadrupling finances of the apex court and asked repeatedly what happened to the billions that accrued to the court. You didn’t need any soothsayer to know that MiLord was lamenting the existence of a mysterious funnel at the Supreme Court that drains the monies into unseen pockets. For the judiciary to even have a modicum of moral right to try any case of fraud or corruption subsequently, it must answer all questions posed by Datijjo on what happened to those billions.
The retired justice’s recourse to the Holy Quran and its precepts about morality and the path to tread speaks volume about the nexus between the voice of opinion of the people and the voice of God. Public opinion stands for justice, just as the Holy writ enjoins the people. Technicalities of law do less of justice. In the words of Dattijo’s quotation from the Quran, “O you who believe! Stand out firmly for justice, as witnesses to Allah, even though it be against yourselves or your parents or your kin, be he rich or poor, Allah is a Better Protector to both (than you). So follow not the lusts (of your hearts) lest you may avoid justice, and if you distort your evidence or refuse to give it, verily Allah is ever well a Acqunted with what you do.” Chapter 9 Verse 71, he said, requires that believers, both men and women, do what is just and forbid what is evil.
With the revelations by Justice Datijjo, (rtd) and the hubris of self-righteousness that surround the Nigerian judiciary’s dispensation of justice, it is becoming crystal clear that Nigeria’s Lady Justice is fascinated by the jungle. When law or judgments of the court become impervious to public opinion, they turn into purely mechanistic and absolutely mechanical rituals, lacking human blood flowing in their veins. To divorce public opinion from judgments equals the technicality that is today the provenance of the Nigerian judiciary. That provenance breeds the public perception that the Nigerian judiciary is home of miscarriage of justice.
COLUMN
President Tinubu and June 12
Around this period in 1993, precisely on June 12, 1993, the day of that historic election, this writer operated in two different but mutually reinforcing capacities. While I was the Political Correspondent of the old Daily Times, covering the then-unfolding electoral process in Abuja, I was also an officer in the Nigerian Election Monitoring Group monitoring the poll in the federal capital. It was an important day in the nation’s life, as it was in my journalism career. The late Professor Omo Omoruyi, an intellectual giant and the brains behind General Ibrahim Babangida and his transition programme, who designed most of the electoral ideas introduced by that regime, including Option A4, had put the election monitoring group together.
As the Political Correspondent of the Daily Times, I had an uneasy sense of foreboding when the then National Electoral Commission, which had been announcing the results of the election on a display board mounted at the commission’s headquarters then at Area 10, Abuja, suddenly stopped adding new results after results from 14 states had been announced. I promptly filed a story on this strange and disturbing development. The next day, the late Dr. Femi Sonaike, Editor of the Daily Times at the time, ran a front-page editorial demanding the continuation of the publication of the results. I was beside myself in ecstasy at the NEC HQ, celebrating the editorial and Dr. Sonaike’s bravery and boldness. For a government-owned newspaper, the editorial was an unforgivable affront to the military. As it turned out, that was the last edition Dr. Sonaike edited as Daily Times Editor. He was instantly removed from office.
Then began a sad spiral of events, culminating in an announcement formally annulling that free and fair election. A dark pall descended on the nation. The country erupted in turmoil, with almost daily protests against the election’s annulment. The rest did not simply become history, as they say, but a profound history with compelling lessons.
This piece is not an odyssey of my journalism career. It’s about President Bola Tinubu and the undocumented contributions to June 12, particularly after that annulment. Tinubu played a frontline role in the conception and later agitation of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), which stridently fought for the de-annulment of June 12.
At the time of the election, he was a Senator of the Federal Republic. In defiance of the military, he and others reconvened the Senate that had gone on recess, during which they demanded the de-annulment of the poll or immediate termination of military rule.
For his agitation, the military hounded him. His residence at Balarabe Musa Crescent in Victoria Island, Lagos was petrol-bombed by agents of the junta who thought he had been burnt alive. However, he escaped abroad and continued the agitation, providing direction and funding for NADECO Chieftians abroad. All of that had been widely publicised and commended.
Many may also recall that iconic and viral picture, which circulated online, where Asiwaju Tinubu was seen behind the late Bashorun MKO Abiola as Abiola went to confer with the late dictator, General Sani Abacha, on the June 12 matter. The significance of that event signposted Asiwaju’s relationship with MKO as a trusted ally and his essential role in the then-unfolding struggle. Asiwaju Tinubu, it was learned, warned the late MKO to tread cautiously and be wary of Abacha or the military over June 12. As he often says, the military uniform is called camouflage, and camouflage, according to him, is a synonym for deception.
It is thus unsurprising that much of his contributions, particularly after June 12, remained indelible years after the death of Abiola, owner of the stolen mandate. The profundity of June 12 is evident in the fact that its ghost has refused to go away years after the restoration of democracy in 1999. President Olusegun Obasanjo, who inherited power on a silver platter and his Peoples Democratic Party, carried on as though oblivious of the historical import of June 12 and the ominous pall that its years of neglect had cast on the nation’s democratic system. Although the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua inaugurated the Justice Muhammed Uwais Electoral panel to reform the nation’s electoral process after admitting his election in 2007 was flawed, he battled ill-health for the better part of his presidency to think of June 12. President Goodluck Jonathan also remained seemingly unfazed about that annulled poll. For 16 years after the democratic renewal, the PDP government carried on with the utter neglect of June 12 and its symbolic place in our democracy.
However, President Buhari took bold steps to resolve the June 12 conundrum and put Abiola in his rightful place even in death. Recognising him as the winner of June 12 and as President, Buhari bestowed on MKO posthumously, the highest national honour of GCFR reserved for presidents. He also declared June 12 a national public holiday. Buhari gave Abiola’s running mate in the election, Ambassador Babagana Kingibe, the second-highest honour of GCON. Buhari’s gesture won him admiration and commendations.
Many didn’t know that Asiwaju Tinubu had made the recommendation to President Buhari.
Addressing the National Assembly last Thursday, President Tinubu again commended Buhari for this critical decision: “Let me pay tribute to former President Muhammadu Buhari for reaching back into history to rectify a national misdeed by making June 12 Democracy Day and by officially acknowledging Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola and his running mate, Babagana Kingibe, as the victors and thus duly elected President and Vice President respectively of Nigeria after the June 12, 1993, elections.”
President Tinubu completed the restitution for Abiola and other heroes of democracy that Thursday. He conferred posthumous national honours on Kudirat Abiola, MKO’s wife, and other heroes. Agents of the military junta killed Kudirat on the streets of Lagos in the wake of the June 12 struggle.
It is relevant to state that certain things are instructive about President Tinubu and June 12. Tinubu became President in 2023, 30 years after June 12. Is this simply a coincidence or divinely ordained?
The late MKO Abiola christened his campaign manifesto “Hope 1993: Farewell to Poverty.” President Tinubu called his own Renewed Hope Agenda for a Better Nigeria.
Now, has the ghost of June 12 been finally laid to rest? Is MKO’s vision for Nigeria alive in Tinubu’s presidency? Vice President Kashim Mustapha Shettima thinks so.
Speaking during the public lecture commemorating the 26th year of unbroken Democracy, VP Shettima said decades after the June 12 debacle, providence returned the baton of Abiola’s struggle for a better Nigeria to “one of his most trusted lieutenants—President Tinubu.”
He affirmed that, based on the final account of Abiola’s life, the military could not take away or extinguish hope. “It is this faith in the promise of Abiola’s vision that has renewed the hope of this nation,” he said.
The work is not entirely done. Although the recent resolution of the National Assembly adopting June 12 of every year for the Presidential Address is a step in the right direction, as it will help to institutionalise June 12 and immortalise Abiola, I think MKO deserves full recompense for his contributions and for paying the supreme price for Nigeria’s democracy. The government should pay the debts if actually it owes Abiola some money, as his family claims.
In the meantime, President Tinubu’s pronouncements last Thursday at the hallowed chamber of the National Assembly stand as homage to resilience and a bold reminder of what might have been.
-Rahman is a Senior Assistant to the President on Media and Special Duties.
COLUMN
Two Years of President Tinubu: Two Stories Behind the Positive Numbers

By Tunde Rahman
Economists and commentators have written and said much about the positive trajectory and indicators signposting Nigeria’s economic growth. These indicators indicate that the reforms embarked upon by President Bola Tinubu since assuming office two years ago have begun to engender successful outcomes. The reforms are paving the way for economic recovery. The facts are self-evident and they speak for themselves too.
According to a World Bank report, the GDP grew 3.4% in 2024, the highest in a decade. Inflation is tumbling and is currently at 23.7%. The government is meeting its debt obligations. After the Central Bank of Nigeria cleared the forex backlog amounting to $10 billion, the debt-service-to-revenue ratio fell from around 100% to below 60%. Foreign reserves, which instill confidence in investors to come in and exit with their profits as they wish, now stand at $38 billion.
Just as remarkable is how national revenues have increased exponentially, resulting in unprecedented increases in allocation to sub-nationals. Such growth has been a significant shot in the arm, giving them the much-needed fiscal impetus to fund projects and cater to the welfare of their people. The increased revenue also helps partly finance key infrastructure projects such as the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Road and the Sokoto-Badagry Superhighway. Last week, President Tinubu inaugurated the completed Phase 1, Section 1 (30km by six lanes) of the 750km Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway.
These strides have been phenomenal. But there is more work for the government to do. The administration also has a few challenges to tackle. The macroeconomic gains highlight the need to impact microeconomics. The positive economic statistics must impact the living standards of the most significant number of our people. They must affect their living standards, especially the cost of essential goods and services. The government needs to reduce unemployment significantly, just as it needs to make the country much safer.
However, as I have often argued, President Tinubu’s achievements in two years are not mere happenstance. They did not come by wishful thinking. They result from a bold vision outlined in his Renewed Hope Agenda, uncommon courage, and unrelenting hard work.
This piece explores just two stories that speak to the courage, audacity and determination of President Tinubu to do things differently. The first happened a day before President Tinubu’s trip to Rome, Italy, on May 17, 2025, for the inauguration of Pope Leo XIV. Invited by the new Pope, the President’s decision to attend the event, accompanied by Catholic bishops, was remarkable in the context of the President’s religion and that of his vice-president. In the build-up to the 2023 election, the opposition claimed the two leaders would turn the country into an Islamic state. That did not happen. Instead, they are running an administration that is blind to religion. Christians, Muslims, and adherents of other religious leanings get their dues.
I was at the residence to see the President around 2 pm just after he had performed the diplomatic ceremony of receiving letters of credence from some ambassadors. From that period, he was in his home office, working on files and receiving governors, top government functionaries and other guests who had visited till around 11 pm. Those who visited included Imo State Governor Hope Uzodimma, Secretary to the Government of the Federation Senator George Akume, Attorney-General and Minister of Justice Lateef Fagbemi(SAN), Minister of Solid Minerals Development Mr. Dele Alake, Minister of Marine and Blue Economy and former Osun State governor, Alhaji Adegboyega Oyetola, as well as top businessmen including Alhaji Samad Rabiu of BUA Group. In that long period, the only other thing that went into that office was his lunch. It’s not an isolated pattern. The fact deducible from all this is a bewildering work ethic. President Tinubu works unusually long hours. He devotes virtually all his time to the Nigerian project. So, his success is a product of hard work.
His uncommon courage and audacity are well known. His policy options, particularly removing the unsustainable subsidies on fuel and forex, were things leaders before him found appropriate and desirable if the country must move forward but lacked the courage to implement. Fuel subsidies were corruption-laden, while the multifarious foreign exchange windows incentivised arbitrage. For instance, between January and June 2023, fuel subsidies alone gulped N3 trillion, and the bulk went into the pockets of the oil cabal.
An important subtext of this story could be glimpsed from Mr. President’s response when I asked him about the influx of governors, lawmakers, and top chieftains of other parties into the All Progressives Congress. He replied: “Yes, they are coming because they have seen the success of our policies. The economy has virtually rebounded, and the country has turned the corner. Do you think they would defect to our party if I’m not doing well, and the policies have turned awry?”
President Tinubu hardly allows any opportunity to bask in well-earned moments of glory to elude him. He often says, “I have a bragging right here. It is my turn to brag over this.”
The President is, however, not unmindful of the fact that the macroeconomic gains achieved by his administration thus far have not fully impacted the streets and pockets of our people. He has also spoken of this. At the inauguration of Phase 1 of the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Road referenced earlier, President Tinubu appealed to Nigerians to be patient with him.
“I know your expectations are still very high at this stage, and our people are still going through difficult times. I take this opportunity to appeal to all Nigerians that hope is here, and it is realisable,” he said, adding: “You would be proud of the benefits; there is light at the end of the tunnel. Inflation is coming down; we have eliminated the corruption in the exchange rate; the corruption in fuel subsidy is now limited to the barest minimum. It is all for you, the people; we are reducing the cost of manufacturing and encouraging manufacturing locally. We give all incentives for everyone to abide by the principle. May God bless our country; may God bless Lagos State and keep our fighting soldiers safe,” he said.
-Rahman is a Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media & Special Duties.
COLUMN
Tinubu, Sanwo-Olu and the fish god

As Ngugi wa Thiong’o says in his Wizard of the Crow, (2007) ire is more corrosive than fire. Make no mistake about it: President Bola Tinubu is angry. When Tinubu was similarly angry, I wrote a piece entitled Tinubu the Ap’ejalodo and his strange fish friend (September 18, 2018). That fable was one of the stories that helped to tame the greed of pre and post-colonial Yoruba society, as well as any tendency within it to play God.
By that 2018, Tinubu had made up his mind to replace Akinwunmi Ambode as governor of Lagos State. The piece, using that anecdote, was to warn him not to take the place of God. Suchlike stories helped to shape the moral man in Africa. His cosmology was governed by anecdotes, lore and mores which prescribed moral codes. For centuries, these sustained the associational and moral forte of Africa. Anecdotes that restrained a potential emperor from treading the path of ruination were told to children, even in their infancies; same about petty thieves who came to ghastly ends. For instance, the destructive end of greed was foretold in pre-colonial Yoruba society in the emblematic story of Tortoise and the scalding hot porridge on the fire he stole and covertly put on his head. It burnt his scalp. Permit me to retell the anecdote.
Set in an African village, the story is that of a young wretched fisherman (Ap’ejalodo) who was ravaged by failure. He was unable to catch enough fish over the years to rescue him from the pangs of lack. One day, however, as he thrust his fishing hook into the river, it caught one of the largest fishes he had ever seen. Excited, Ap’ejalodo pulled his awesome catch up to the river bank and proceeded to yank it off the hook.
As he attempted to carry it to the basket, however, the fish began to speak like a human being. Ap’ejalodo was at first afraid but he eventually pulled himself up and listened to the sermon of the strange fish. Singing, Ap’ejalodo, mo de, ja lo lo, ja lo lo… (Fisherman, here I come…) the fish pleaded to be rescued by the fisherman.
It promised that if the fisherman spared its life, in lieu of this rescue, he should ask for whatever he wanted in life. Excited, Ap’ejalodo let it off the hook and asked for wealth. Truly, by the time he got home, the ragged clothes on him and his wife had become very big damask agbada and aran respectively, with their wretched hut transformed into a big mansion. Both now began to live the life of unimaginable splendour.
After a few years, the couple was however barren and the wife entreated Ap’ejalodo to go fishing again and ask his fish friend to rescue them from the social shame. As he thrust his hook into the river again, it caught the strange fish and the earlier process was repeated. This time, he asked for a child and the strange fish granted it, giving him children. Over the years, the fisherman magisterially summoned the fish through same process and the fish bailed the couple out.
Then one day, Ap’ejalodo and wife were just waking up from their magnificent bed when a blinding and intruding ray of the sun meandered into their bedroom. Enraged, Mrs. Ap’ejalodo couldn’t understand the audacity the sun had to intrude into their sacristy. Couldn’t it respect the privacy and majesty of the richest couple in the land? She then angrily commanded Ap’ejalodo to go meet his fish friend and ask that they be given the power to control the temerity of the Sun and other impertinent celestial forces.
Off Ap’ejalodo went to the river bank, thrust his fishing hook into the river and again invoked the strange fish. And Ap’ejalodo made his plea. The fish was peeved by the fisherman’s greed and audacity.“You were nobody; I made you somebody and you now have everything at your beck and call. Yet, you want to compete with God in majesty and you will not allow even a common sun to shine and perform the illuminating assignment God brought it to perform on earth!”
The fish angrily stormed back into the river and as Ap’ejalodo, downcast, walked back home, his old torn and wretched dress suddenly came back on him, his mansion transformed into the hut of the past and the couple’s latter wretchedness was more striking than the one of yore.
After writing that piece in 2018, as fate would have it, I was wrong and Tinubu was right. In spite of the several entreaties to him, Ap’ejalodo had his way and Ambode became history. Today, Ap’ejalodo has warred with all his governor nominees since 2007. He attempted to remove all of them but only succeeded with Ambode. On each occasion, he made himself the victim of his disagreements with his mentee governors, answering to that Oscar Wilde statement that you cannot be too careful in the choice of your enemies. Babajide Sanwo-Olu has joined the infamous train of victims of Tinubu’s ferocious anger.
As far back as January of this year, sullen murmurs of bees of power in Alausa and Aso Rock hinted that Ap’ejalodo was angry. While Ambode’s err was failure to offload requested funds, Sanwo-Olu’s was his indiscretion and temerity. An alleged female friend of the governor was said to have helped him courier Lagos funds to Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi to enable him win the 2023 governorship. In violation of the laws of power, Sanwo-Olu thus outshone the Master. While he won his Lagos election, Ap’ejalodo lost. Ap’ejalodo actually didn’t mind him losing the election, with the aim of cutting his wings but regaining his overlordship of Lagos in a subsequent estimated victory in the court. At a meeting of the two, while the governor swore his innocence, Ap’ejalodo was said to have derisively laughed him off, maintaining he had security reports which affirmed the transaction. The stroke that broke the camel’s back was the governor’s effrontery in removing Speaker Mudashiru Obasa, Ap’ejalodo’s protege who had been overtly rude to the governor.
Twice in a week, Ap’ejalodo has ridiculed Sanwo-Olu, at both the Lagos-Calabar highway and Lekki Free Port road commissioning. He skipped shaking his hands in one and ensured his absence in the other. You could hear the ghoulish cries of vultures waiting to feed off the flesh of the governor. At the Port road commissioning, Ap’ejalodo was fuming from all cylinders: “I am glad the Deputy Governor of Lagos is here. Take it that we will remove all those approvals given on the setbacks already given. No more planning approvals for those unplanned island being created illegally,” he said. Ngugi wa Thiong’o was indeed right. Ire is corrosive.
Ap’ejalodo, having been lifted up by his fish god friend to have an elephant firmly rested on his head, still wants to know what tiny crickets are doing in their small holes. He is enraged by the audacity of Sanwo-Olu’s Sun to intrude into his sacristy. Couldn’t the lanky fellow respect the majesty of the No 1 Citizen of Nigeria, its richest man and the most powerful in the land?
Again, I am certain that we are about to witness the denouement of this macabre drama of Ap’ejalodo trying to appropriate and approximate the power of God. Perhaps, the young man who stoned the Iroko tree some years back is ripe for celestial forces’ retribution at his attempt to wear the same trousers with God?
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