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Can Tinubu, our Eddie Kwansa, now come home?

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By Festus Adedayo

Today’s Gen Z world may not know of “Eddie Kwansa”. It is a famous folk song Owerri, Imo State, donated to the rest of Nigeria. Released shortly after the piercing agony of the Nigerian civil war in 1972 by Dan Orji and his Peacock Band, the song should remind people of my generation of the equally famous NTA soap opera, Village Headmaster. The Orji song became the signature tune of that opera and it runs thus, “Eddie Kwansa oo, bia o, bia o (3ce) Izu ka nma na nneji oo, bia o, bia o…” Translated, the melodious song says, “Come, Eddie Kwansa; It’s good when blood brothers reason together.” Another version translates the lyrics into “Come, Eddie Kwansa, come; quarrels among brothers are best resolved at home.”

The legend behind it makes it an evergreen folk song among Owerri people. The legend, the claim of which has been disputed by those close to the musician who sang it, has it that a handsome young man named John Obikweentertained Owerri people with his guitar before the civil war. Shortly after the war, he and his three brothers discovered that their late father left land for them in Port Harcourt. They then agreed to sell it and share the proceeds equally. Upon the sale of the land, however, Obikwe’s siblings short-changed him, giving him not even a dime. Downcast and frustrated, Obikwe relocated to Ghana where fate smiled on him. He then totally disconnected from his siblings. His successful life story, especially entreaties from his now repented brothers to him to come back home, became the legend strewn into a song by Orji.

I digress. Yoruba’s world of incantations is built round literary devices of alliteration, similes, metaphors, onomatopoeia, etc. When you are assailed from within and without by enemies, necessitating your running helter-skelter for remedy, my people deploy the imagery of the leaf called “àáràgbá” to describe your situation. As an incantation, using the homophone in “gbã” which collocates with and is an alliteration to the name of the “aàárà-gbá” leaf, they sew together the poetic incantation of “ilé ò gbá, ònà ò gbàá níí se ewé àáràgbá”. Translated, that incantation curses that, as the leaf of “àáràgbá” moves hither thither in discomfort, so shall it be for the recipient of the incantation. Buffeted at home by pellets from terrorists, and abroad by the razor-sharp tongue and gruff of Donald Trump, the American global policeman of democracy – apologies to General Sani Abacha – I suspect that political enemies must have cast the spell of a troublous presidency on my Yoruba kinsman in Aso Rock. In this piece, however, I volunteer to be there for my kinsman. It is at times like this that consanguines, whose blood is reputed to be thicker than water, ought to be there for one another.

Now that our kinsman in Aso Rock is being pummeled by artillery fire from everywhere, we hope his travails will enable him listen to our Eddy Kwansa call on him to let us reason like children of same Oduduwa parent. Didn’t the lines of Eddy Kwansa song say it is good when brothers reason together? The truth is, when you think you have fooled the rest of the world, unbeknown to you, you are the greatest victim of your contrivance. When you luxuriate in such a fool’s paradise, my people have two very powerful sayings for you. In the first, they say you are Amuda’s concubine. She was a jester who gave birth to a child and named him Yésúfù – “Oníyèyé àlè Àmùdá t’ó bímo tó soó ní Yésúfù” Amuda is a colloquial rendering of “Ahmad” which in Arabic translates to a “thankful person,” while Yesufu is a collocation of the name “Ahmad”. The etymology of the phrase and the plot which gave birth to it are unknown. However, the phrase has widespread appreciation and affiliation with self-delusion and hypocrisy.

There is another saying of my people which explains and disdains self-conceitedness. It rests on the pedestal of the earlier saying’s format and, like it, euphemistically expresses bother about self-deception. It is woven round a woman, whose son is named Jimoh and who walks into a mosque on a Friday and, satisfied by its ambience, claims she had arrived the home of her son. Yoruba express this saying as, “Èèyàn ò tan ara rè bíi Ìyá Jímòh t’ó wo Mósálásí t’ó níòhun dé ilé omo òhun.”

Now, this is the link: “Jimoh” is a nativized rendering of the Arabic word, “Jum’ah” or “Mosalasi” (mosque) among Yoruba Muslims. When Iya Jimoh gets so hypocritical and self-delusional as to conflate “Jimoh” the mosque, with “Jimoh,” her son, then her self-deception is perceived to have landed her in cloud-cuckoo-land.

Nigeria’s national pains knew no bounds as terrorists struck the country two weeks ago. It was one of the country’s most nightmarish weeks ever. That week brought into vivid remembrance the British proverb, “it never rains, it pours”, possibly taken from a 1726 satirical article with the title, “It Cannot Rain, But It Pours”. It is a literary description of a cacophony of misfortunes befalling a people. In Eruku, Kwara State, right inside the Christ Apostolic Church, a viral video showed terrorists wielding automatic rifles. Two worshipers were gunned down, and 38 congregants abducted. In a few hours’ interval, 25 students of Government Girls Comprehensive Senior Secondary School (GGCSS) were kidnapped. One of them escaped. On November 21, 315 students of St Mary’s School, Papiri, Niger State, were also abducted by terrorists. Aftermath of the shock, the parents of one of the abductees reportedly slumped and died. That same week, news of the brutal killing of Nigeria’s Brigadier-General, Sani, suffocated the air.

I pitied my kinsman. In my piece of last week, I reckoned that Karma was again shooting its shot. Not to worry. The Builder of Lagos had a response. When it comes to ‘effizy,” (showmanship) no one can surpass Lagos people. It is in their gene. The man who would not stop his flight in September, in spite of huge national clamour, but proceeded to Paris, the nestling home of his buddy and business partner, Gilbert Chagoury, for a “10-day working vacation,” stopped his plane from flying to South-Africa this time around. Pronto, the Minister of Defence, Bello Matawalle, was ordered to relocate to Kebbi State. Many wondered what the minister, severally accused of being godfather of bandits, would do in Kebbi.

But, Allellujah! The work of God is wondrous. It reminds me of the childhood song we sang while growing up: “Come and see, American Wonder!” we chorused. Like an apparition, the 38 abducted parishioners of Eruku walked home, too. Praise the Lord! Before we could say Jack Robinson – pardon this sudden trip into yesteryears – the abductees of Kebbi State also resurfaced, eight days after. Can you not see that God loves Nigeria? Almost immediately, regime data boys could not contain their paroxysm of anxiety. Couldn’t we see that this government is not clueless? Was this feat not what the Muhammadu Buhari government couldn’t achieve?

Governor Idris of Kebbi was the first to burst our bubble. No single naira was paid in ransom, he said. The presidenttoo said he was relieved. Glad that the abductees are back home, Nigerians still wanted to know how the Tinubu wonder came about. On his X handle and on a national television interview, Onanuga claimed it was the work of non-kinetics. Whatever that meant! Couldn’t he spare us of bombast? He said the Eruku 38 were released after security agents made direct contact with the kidnappers, maintaining that government always chooses to avoid direct armed assaults due to risk to civilians.

The Nigerian senate continued its groveling pedigree. Senate spokesman, Yemi Adaramodu, said not only didn’tgovernment pay a dime to the abductors, the “bandits fled when they saw superior power.” It reminds me of that evergreen James Hadley Chase’s counsel that liars must have a good memory. From Onanuga’s statement above, which clearly contradicts Adaramodu’s, you would imagine that the military team on a rescue mission and the bandits were in a ‘paddy-paddy’ detente while negotiating the abductees’ release. How did an expedition that was said to be ‘negotiation’ morph to become Adaramodu’s “superior power”?

The lead story headline of the Daily Trust newspaper of November 27 – “Released, Rescued or Ransomed?” – speaks directly to the anxiety and apprehension of Nigerians about the Tinubu wonder rescue. Knowing Nigerian governments’ predilection for the untruth and this particular government’s obsession for barefaced lies, interests in the mode of the rescue of the abductees went upswing. The queerest of government’s assertions on the rescue is the claim that, for perpetrators of such heinous act of terrorism, who killed two in Eruku, a vice principal in Papiri and a guard, there would be no consequences. In the words of government officials who were at the vanguard of the rescue, the government found the bandits’ location, engaged them, and they released their captives. QED.

Not long after news of the release of the Kebbi girls, their abductors released a concerning video where they affirmed that there was indeed negotiation between them and the government. In the video, the gloating abductors said that, in spite of Nigerian fighter jets hovering over the captors, government security agents were helpless until they negotiated with the bandits. Like Amuda’s concubine and the woman who walks into a mosque on a Friday and claims she had arrived the home of her son, this government and its officials are on a roulette of lies. While they think they have made a fool out of us, little did they know that we watch them live in a fool’s paradise.

All over the world, state negotiation with terrorists is not only seen as an anathema, it is a weak alternative. It is also enveloped in dark motives. Most governments that choose to negotiate with terrorists do so in order to find a mediated way out of a conflict. In doing this, they merely postpone an imminent defeat, or a detour out of what is called a mutually hurting stalemate.

Negotiation is frowned at as a means of combating terrorists because, in the long run, it violates states’ domestic and international legitimacy. When a state credited with a monopoly of force goes to terrorists to negotiate, it, by that very fact, loses its regards.

From the other side, negotiations are ego-boosters for terrorists. They often seek it so as to drastically improve their popular standing and legitimacy. In the recent ransomed negotiation with the terrorists in Nigeria, they could be seen doing a video of their victory with the Kebbi girls and flexing their muscles. Negotiations thus legitimize their philosophy, if there is any, and strengthen them. In the words of Isabelle Duyvesteyn and Bart Schuurman, in their ‘The Paradoxes of Negotiating with Terrorist and Insurgent Organisations’ (The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 2011) it“elevat(es) their status from violent criminals to potent political activists.”

Moreover, in insurgency and counterinsurgency, the weaker party is perceived to be the one that engages in negotiation. Didn’t Nigeria show, by the Eruku and Papiri captives’ negotiation, that it was a weaker party to the terrorists? In this vein, governments that negotiate are seen to be negotiating from a position of weakness and run significant risks in battle against insurgents. According to the two scholars above, negotiated settlements are viewed with skepticism. In their words, “(T)hese (negotiations) are often surrenders masquerad(ed) as calculated decisions, and their main effect has been to allow extremists to consolidate their control and push for greater gains.”

Many times, darker motives come with negotiations. Though they appear as non-violent ways of resolving conflicts, in disguise, negotiations could be paradoxes. First, they imbue the terrorists with growing strength and confidence. Second, terrorists may also negotiate with the aim of concealing their ulterior aims of gaining enough time for recovery and preparing for greater onslaughts. Countries like Cyprus, Spain, and Northern Ireland are good illustrations of nations at war which took the route of negotiation with terrorists to their regret. In Sri Lanka, the Tamil Tigers ceaselessly repudiated negotiations and used them as opportunity to regroup, rearm themselves and as catalyst for renewed attacks against government forces.

When money is involved in negotiation with terrorists or bandits, it is even worse. The tactlessness of doing this is that, it gives more legroom to the bandits. This we could see in the Papiri girls abductors who gloatingly and literally dragged Nigeria’s sovereignty and claim to being a powerful country in the mud in the viral video. Giving bandits money for a detente also affords them access to more resources for purchase of higher-grade weapons with which to launch the next attacks.

Now, many talks, which have the Bayo Onanuga flavour, have claimed that the military chose negotiation rather than shelling the terrorists for fear of collateral damage. They cite the failures of US’ Operation Eagle Claw and the Operation Urgent Fury. Why not cite the successful Operation Thunderbolt or Operation Entebbe, a 1976 Israeli counter-terrorist mission in Uganda? Those who argue from the angle of collateral damage fail to reckon with the fact that, warfare has gone beyond this. With drones, targets can be taken out without any collateral damage.

While the apparently ransomed rescue of Eruku and Papiri abductees was going on, my kinsman ordered a sweeping nationwide emergency on security. He also ordered massive recruitment in the army and police, as well as a withdrawal of policemen from VIPs. Which are very commendable steps. The presidential order that has had Nigerians clapping ever since is the go-ahead he gave the National Assembly to review extant laws disallowing states from establishing their own police forces. However, shortly after the release of the abductees and after the president ordered a state of emergency on security, bandits again struck a rice farm in Palaita, Shiroro Local Government Area of Niger State. They abducted 24 persons, which included pregnant women. In Kano and Kwara States between Monday and Tuesday last week, 20 people were also said to have been abducted by bandits.

Now is the time to urge our own Eddie Kwansa to come home for a truthful discussion. Didn’t a line of that immediate post-civil war song say it is good when brothers reason together? First, let our Eddie Kwansa draw his pillow close to him and have a heart-to-heart talk with it. When all else fails, the pillow is man’s closest associate. A line of Juju music legend, Ebenezer Obey’s evergreen song of the 1970s, K’á so’wópò, says even if nobody else knows, one’s undies know the whole gamut of one’s closely guarded secrets. Eddie Kwansa’s pillow would tell him things are not looking up at all under him, at least security-wise. He and his “Oníyèyé Àlè Àmùdá” security chiefs have told themselves lies that terrorists shook hands with them and released the hostages without ransom payment. Two persons cannot suffer a mutual colossal loss from a lie; either the person telling the lie or to whom it is being told is richer in the truth of it.

Let Eddie Kwansa ask for the tape of his predecessor, Olusegun Obasanjo’s speech at the Plateau State Unity Christmas Carol and Praise Festival held in Jos, Plateau State on Friday. Thereafter, let him ask for a meeting with Obasanjo. He should ignore data boys and regime fawners saying otherwise. Even if there was a quarrel between Obasanjo and him, quarrels among brothers are best resolved at home, so says the lines of Eddy Kwansa. A breakdown of Obasanjo’s homily is this: Nigeria is burning under the feeble grips of our Lagos brother. Nigerians have the right to ask for assistance from other world leaders if theirs have shown incompetence. He left a capable government that could deal with the Mephistopheles. I agree with Obasanjo absolutely.

We do not hate our brother, Eddie Kwansa. We will share the glory if he destroys those who want to destroy Nigeria. God bless Eddie.

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Disu: A strong start, next step is technology

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BY TUNDE OPESEITAN

Two months is undoubtedly too short a period to fully assess any administration. However, as the saying goes, the fragrance of a beautiful Saturday is carried on the breeze of Friday. For the new Inspector General of Police, IGP Olatunji Disu, the early signs are encouraging, promising, and reassuring of better days ahead for the Nigeria Police Force.

As a journalist with a particular interest in crime and judiciary reporting, I have closely observed and documented the engagements, initiatives, and deliberate reforms championed by Disu. From my keen observation, I can confidently project an improved security architecture from a policing perspective, provided the IGP sustains this positive trajectory and leverages other critical areas, especially the large-scale deployment of technology to combat insecurity.

One of the most notable strides of Disu within his first two months in office is the revitalisation of the Police Complaint Response Unit (CRU), aimed at swiftly addressing misconduct and restoring public confidence in the police.

The sincerity of Disu’s declaration on his first day in office to the effect that the people are the true bosses of police officers was evident in a video I recently watched. In it, a Nigerian expressed gratitude after recovering money extorted from him by some unscrupulous police officers, thanks to the intervention of the CRU.

“My name is Daniel Ifeanyi. I just want to use this opportunity to thank the Inspector General of Police, the Police CRU, the Police Public Relations Officer, and the entire police force for helping me recover the money that was extorted from me by some bad officers. This action has restored my confidence in the police force. I encourage people to report their complaints. The police are actually working,” Ifeanyi said while displaying the money in the video.

This development strengthens the perception that the police may be ready to take decisive action against the long-standing challenges of corruption and impunity within the force. What is now essential is sustained public demand for continuity and expansion of these reforms, particularly the CRU initiative.
There is a clear need for every Police Command across the 36 states and the FCT to establish well-resourced, responsive teams dedicated to receiving and resolving citizen complaints promptly, before they escalate to social media. This proactive approach is a strategic model that all Commissioners of Police should seriously consider and institutionalise.

I was also encouraged by a viral video posted by a Nigerian identified as Rhapstar, which exposed misconduct and incivility by officers attached to the Satellite Town Division in the Festac area of Lagos State. I was personally irked when I heard a police officer in the video saying, “I will loose guard you.”

But the swift response of the police authorities to summon the Divisional Police Officer and the officers involved, obtaining statements, and initiating investigations in line with established procedures, is reassuring, and this demonstrates a renewed commitment to accountability.

Preliminary findings indicate that the incident occurred in May 2025. It is noteworthy that, due to Disu’s encouragement for citizens to report misconduct, the complainant felt confident enough to come forward with video evidence.

The investigation is ongoing, and it is reassuring that the Force Management Team under Disu has reiterated that the rule of law remains non-negotiable. This stance must be sustained: no officer should be above the law, and where misconduct is established, appropriate sanctions must follow. Justice must not only be done but must be seen to be done.

It is also commendable that, within his early days in office, Disu has advanced discussions on the establishment of state police. By constituting a committee to develop an implementation framework from the police perspective, now submitted to the National Assembly, he has taken a bold and strategic step toward addressing the country’s persistent security challenges.

I would, however, respectfully urge the Inspector-General of Police to revisit the proposed 60-month execution timeline, with a view to accelerating the process and enabling more timely realisation of this critical reform.
From an operational standpoint, another significant reform is the nationwide restructuring and reduction of police tactical units to enhance efficiency, accountability, and supervision. The new policy limits Zonal and State Commands to a maximum of five tactical teams, and Area Commands and Divisions to three.

This “precision cut,” as it has been described, aims to curb the proliferation of tactical units, improve oversight, reduce excesses, and redeploy more officers to regular station duties.

Equally commendable is Disu’s welfare initiative for serving officers and the families of those who died in the line of duty. Through the “Inspector General of Police Family Welfare Scheme,” meaningful support has been extended to bereaved families across the country, reaffirming that their sacrifices are neither forgotten nor taken for granted.

Notably, within less than a month of assuming office, he facilitated the disbursement of ₦2.4 billion to 1,075 families, an impactful gesture that underscores the profound debt owed to those who gave their lives in service of the nation’s safety and peace.

Furthermore, Disu has strengthened inter-agency collaboration with the Army, Air Force, Navy, DSS, and other security agencies. This synergy is already yielding positive results in the fight against crime and has been extended to civil society organisations, the Police Community Relations Committee, and state governments.

For me, in setting the agenda ahead, there must be sustained efforts to deploy modern technology in tackling insecurity, particularly insurgency, banditry, and kidnapping. It is encouraging that, within days of assuming office, Disu visited Borno, Plateau, and Kwara States to assess security situations firsthand and engage directly with officers, victims, and stakeholders.

This proactive approach reflects his reputation as a field-oriented officer who leads from the front rather than relying solely on reports. I look forward to a more intelligence-driven policing model that leverages technology to effectively investigate, arrest, and prosecute criminals and their sponsors, while proactively preventing emerging threats.

Finally, I am of the strong view that the introduction of body cameras for police officers nationwide would significantly curb misconduct and provide critical evidence for investigations and prosecutions, and Disu is well placed to make this happen.

Addendum

As for the IGP’s tenure debate, this has been clearly addressed in Part III, Section 7 of the Police Act 2020, which outlines the procedures for appointment, removal, functions, and powers of the office.

According to the Act, which I have read, Section 7(3) states that the IGP shall be appointed by the President on the advice of the Police Council from among serving members of the Police Force.

Section 7(4) provides that the IGP shall not be removed from office except for gross misconduct, violation of the Constitution, or incapacity, while Section 7(5) stipulates that such removal must be made by the President on the advice of the Police Council.

Section 7(6), which addresses tenure, clearly states that the officeholder “shall hold office for four years.”

The operative word — “shall”— denotes a mandatory obligation, reinforcing the intent of the law to ensure stability, continuity, and accountability within the police leadership.

As IGP Disu marks his birthday today, I wish him good health, long life, and the wisdom to lead effectively. I look forward to four years of enhanced security architecture and transformative policing under his leadership.

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What one officer told me about IGP Disu

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By Adeniran Bamisaye

Years ago, while driving in Lagos, a police officer stopped me. Nothing unusual. He asked for my vehicle particulars, and I handed them over—perhaps not in the most cheerful manner at first. But somewhere between the routine and the silence, a conversation started. I asked him about his work, just casually, and then I mentioned a name—Olatunji Disu.

At the time, he wasn’t the Inspector-General yet; I believe he was still a Commissioner of Police. But the moment I mentioned the name, something changed in the officer’s expression. “Ah! That man…” he said, almost cutting himself short. Curious, I asked what he meant.

What followed stayed with me. He told me that when he served under Disu in Owo, Ondo State, there was one thing he could never forget: you could not work with him and be hungry. Not because of charity or handouts, but because he genuinely cared about the welfare of the officers under his command. Then, he added something that struck me deeply—he could beat his chest and say that this was a leader who cared.

That immediately reminded me of something a mentor once told me: “You can measure a leader by how much they care about the welfare of their people.” That day, on the roadside, in a conversation I didn’t plan to have, I heard a testimony, not from a podium or a press release, but from someone who had experienced that leadership up close.


When he was eventually appointed Inspector-General of Police, one theme stood out clearly: welfare. And I believed it, not because it sounded good, but because I had already heard the evidence. But beyond words, actions began to follow, and what stood out was not just the actions themselves, but the speed with which they came. In a system where delay is often the norm, responsiveness becomes a language of its own.

One of the earliest signals was symbolic, yet powerful, the decision to organise a proper pulling-out parade for his predecessor, something that had not happened in about 16 years. Institutions are not only built on systems; they are sustained by memory, respect, and continuity, and that moment quietly restored all three.

Beyond symbolism, there were more structural signals. There has been a renewed push around accountability, with a visible willingness to ensure that erring officers are not shielded but disciplined. There has also been a reawakening of channels like the Complaint Response Unit, reinforcing the idea that citizens should not feel voiceless in their encounters with the police. Alongside this is a clear direction toward modernisation, strengthening investigative capacity, embracing technology, and repositioning policing to be more intelligence-led than force-driven.

Aside from these developments, there has also been public conversation around the legality of tenure, particularly in light of existing age and compulsory retirement provisions within the service. However, the Police Act 2020 introduced a defining shift. Section 7(6) provides that the Inspector-General of Police shall hold office for a term of four years, establishing a fixed tenure framework that differs from the traditional retirement structure.

In many ways, this reflects an attempt to balance institutional continuity with leadership stability. And while such interpretations may continue to generate debate, what often matters most is not just the legal framework itself, but how the time it creates is used. In this instance, the focus has remained less on tenure and more on direction, how leadership translates time in office into action, presence, and measurable signals of change.

Beyond these structural efforts, there has also been a pattern of presence. In moments of crisis, leadership has not remained distant. From visits to places like Jos and Kwara following incidents of violence, there has been a visible effort to show up, not just as a figurehead, but as a steadying presence in difficult times. In a country where communities often feel abandoned in the aftermath of tragedy, such gestures carry weight. They signal attention, urgency, and a willingness to engage realities on the ground rather than from afar. Sometimes, presence itself becomes a form of reassurance, both to officers on duty and to citizens watching closely.

Then came a moment that, for me, brought everything into perspective. I watched him oversee the disbursement of funds to families of fallen officers, and as I did, something unexpected happened; I found myself emotional. Yes, the funds were not his personally, but leadership is not just about ownership; it is about priority. He could have delayed it or treated it as routine, but he didn’t, and that mattered.

I watched widows and families step forward, each carrying a weight that words cannot fully capture. One woman, in particular, struggled to receive her cheque, not because it was heavy, but because she was overwhelmed with emotion. That moment said more than any speech ever could. It was a reminder that beyond the uniform, beyond the structure, beyond the system, there are people, and in that moment, they were seen.

Perhaps, this is where the conversation about reform truly begins. This year’s National Police Day, held on April 7, 2026, at Eagle Square, Abuja, carried a theme that feels less like a slogan and more like a direction: “Community Partnership: Building Trust.” When placed alongside these actions—welfare, accountability, institutional respect, responsiveness, and presence- it begins to feel less like ambition and more like alignment.

Trust is not declared; it is built slowly and consistently. When an officer feels cared for, he carries himself differently. When he feels seen, he is more likely to see others. When accountability becomes real internally, credibility begins to form externally. What we may be witnessing is not just administrative change, but the early signs of a cultural shift, the kind that cannot be forced, only lived.

In the end, the relationship between the police and the people will not be repaired by announcements. It will be rebuilt through moments, moments like a roadside conversation, moments like a widow being seen, moments residents feel safe in their communities, and each time they spot police officers, moments where leadership moves from position to presence. And perhaps that is where real reform begins, not when it is declared, but when it is felt.

Adeniran Bamisaye writes from Lagos

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On The Issue Of Prof. Joash Amupitan, SAN And Hon. Solomon Dalung: An Insider’s Account

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By Dr. John B. Mahwel

1. Firstly, I am a product of the Faculty of Law, University of Jos, having obtained my Diploma in Law, Bachelor of Laws (LL.B), Master of Laws (LL.M), and PhD all from the same institution.

In that sense, I can rightly be described as “Made in Jos.” I will forever remain grateful to the Faculty of Law and the University of Jos, my alma mater.

2. For the purpose of this piece, I must also express my appreciation to both Hon. Solomon Dalung and Prof. Joash Amupitan, SAN as well as to all present, former, and retired professors and lecturers of the Faculty of Law, University of Jos who taught me as a student.

I am particularly proud that this Faculty has produced such distinguished individuals, alongside many other notable personalities who have contributed meaningfully to society at both local and international levels.

Of the two individuals under discussion, one is a former Honourable Minister of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, while the other is the current Chairman of INEC. This is indeed a great honour and blessing to the Faculty.

3. In terms of their states of origin, Hon. Dalung is from Plateau State, while Prof. Amupitan is from Kogi State. I am also from Plateau State. However, my position in this matter is not influenced by sentiment but by my membership of the 2009 graduating class and my duty to set the record straight.

4. My Acquaintance with both Personalities:

I first met Prof. Amupitan as a Diploma student, when he taught me Law of Evidence, a course I later had the privilege of teaching alongside him for about thirteen years before his eventual appointment as INEC Chairman.

5. After completing my Diploma programme, I gained Direct Entry admission into the Faculty of Law. Upon resumption, the first person I encountered was Hon. Solomon Dalung, who was then my 200 Level Coordinator. At that time, I was not particularly close to Prof. Amupitan, as he did not teach me again until my 400 Level, when he handled Law of Evidence once more.

6. My First Encounter with Hon. Solomon Dalung in the classroom was quite striking. Unlike the conventional appearance of law lecturers in formal suits, he often appeared in full traditional attire and even brought water in a calabash rather than a bottle. While this initially surprised many students, we gradually became accustomed to his distinctive style.

His dressing reflected his teaching personality, authoritative, bold, and uniquely expressive, setting him apart from the conventional academic mould.

Hon. Dalung did not remain long in academic service, as he later ventured into politics, contesting for a seat in the House of Representatives against Hon. Beni Lar. It later became known that her father, the late Solomon Lar, had been his political benefactor.
Following the unsuccessful bid, Hon. Dalung sought to return to the Faculty.

In 2013, we both attended the interview, myself and others for regularization, and he for re-engagement. Although he was not reappointed at the time, destiny had greater plans for him, as he was later appointed a Minister of the Federal Republic of Nigeria just two years later.

7. A Notable Experience with Prof. Amupitan

Let me briefly recount an important experience with Prof. Amupitan before addressing the central issue of this piece. As a member of the 2009 graduating class, Law of Evidence was one of my best courses in the 400-level. At the time, I had no idea that I would later return to teach the same course.

Unknown to me, Prof. Amupitan kept records of students he considered outstanding. A few months after completing my NYSC in Ondo State, I received a call informing me that I had been appointed a Graduate Assistant in the Faculty of Law owing to my outstanding performance at the LL.B class. After receiving the letter, I proceeded to the Faculty of Law to report. Upon seeing me, Prof. Amupitan was delighted.

He immediately opened his drawer and showed me a recommendation letter he had written to the Vice Chancellor in support of my employment, though he had not yet submitted it. Remarkably, I had already been appointed.

He congratulated me and advised that the entry point for Law Lecturers is Assistant Lecturer and not Graduate Assistant, and he took immediate steps to correct the anomaly. He also indicated his intention to mentor me, particularly because of my performance in Law of Evidence. He did this out of goodwill, and it was for the system, not because of any personal or ethnic connection, but purely on merit.

8. On the Issue of Integrity

As a member of the 2009 graduating class, I consider it necessary to clarify the aspersion cast by Honourable Dalung on the integrity of Professor Amupitan.

I will like to state outright that Professor Amupitan, having been a student under him and worked closely with him, is a man of integrity and one of the best Deans to have served in the Faculty of Law, University of Jos.

The record is there for everyone to see. I think it will be unfair if I don’t come out to speak this gospel truth since Honourable Dalung said the students of the 2009 set are still alive and they could confirm from them. Professor Amupitan’s reputation speaks for him, and a lot of his colleagues and students are so unhappy about Hon Dalung’s attempt to rubbish his reputation for political reasons. This type of politicking frightens some of us.

To the best of my knowledge, there was indeed an issue relating to result processing during our time. At that period, examination scripts were manually marked, and results were prepared and forwarded to departmental secretaries for electronic processing.

This system created gaps in the chain of custody, which were unfortunately exploited by some individuals to manipulate and upgrade students’ results, often without the knowledge of lecturers or Faculty authorities. These irregularities were largely traced to non-academic staff.

Professor Amupitan had recently been appointed as the Dean of the Faculty in 2009, and there were a series of complaints of result manipulation and several errors contained in the final year results that year.

Importantly, it was the lecturers themselves who detected these discrepancies and reported to him. He then ordered an investigation. The result of the investigation confirmed that some students had indeed been awarded unmerited grades, and the Faculty decided to reflect their true grades.

I recalled when the result was finally approved, Professor Amupitan was even out of the country, and the Faculty Board of Examiners was chaired (in his absence) by another respected Professor of Law, who is also a Senior Advocate of Nigeria.

The Minutes and proceedings of the Faculty Board Meeting where the result was approved will show clearly that the allegation was untrue. Consequently, corrective measures were implemented, and the affected results were reviewed and reverted to their original scores.

It is crucial to emphasise that this action affected students across all categories, not only those in the Second Class Upper division, but also those in Second Class Lower and Third Class categories. In fact, some students were unable to graduate with the 2009 set as a result of this sanitisation.

It set a new tone for the Faculty and the effort was well appreciated by the students. In my considered view, this development should be seen as a demonstration of institutional integrity, a Faculty leadership committed to upholding standards rather than condoning irregularities. If nothing, Professor Amupitan ought to be commended for that bold step.

9. Regarding the claim that a serving Deputy Inspector General graduated with a Second Class Upper division, I state categorically that, to the best of my knowledge as a member of the 2009 set, there was no serving Deputy Inspector General in our class. This, however, remains a matter open to public verification.

10.I must also state unequivocally that throughout my time in the Faculty of Law, both as a student and as a staff member, I have never been aware of any act that would call into question the integrity of Prof. Amupitan.

He has served in numerous high-level positions, including Head of Department, Dean of Law, Chairman of the Committee of Deans and Directors, Member of the Council of Legal Education, two time Governing Council member of UniJos, Pro Chancellor of another University, and Deputy Vice Chancellor, among others. If there had been any credible integrity concerns, they would have surfaced long before now.

12. On the Issue of Alleged Frustration

It is also important to clarify that when Hon. Dalung was pursuing his Master’s degree at the University of Jos, Prof. Amupitan had not yet been elected Dean of the Faculty of Law. It is therefore difficult to sustain any claim that he could have frustrated Hon Dalung in that capacity.

Furthermore, no Dean has the unilateral power to victimise or frustrate a student on the basis of the issues that affected the 2009 set. Academic processes are subject to institutional checks and collective decision-making mechanisms.

13.Conclusion

In conclusion, I am not one given to frequent public commentary, particularly on social media. However, I felt compelled to write because this issue directly concerns my class, the 2009 set, and my alma mater.

While I hold both individuals in high regard, I urge caution, especially in this politically sensitive period, regarding the nature of information disseminated to the public.

In my humble opinion, Hon. Solomon Dalung went too far in his attack on the integrity of Prof. Amupitan. If there are grievances, whether relating to his non-reinstatement into the University or issues concerning the ADC and INEC, they should not be presented in a manner that risks misleading the public, particularly given his status as a former Minister of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the effort being made by Professor Amupitan to restore public trust in the electoral system.

This is calling a dog a bad name to hang him. To call Professor Amupitan I know a man of “zero integrity” is false, misleading and unacceptable.

14.Thank you for taking the time to read this. I hope the general public is better informed, particularly regarding the issue raised by Honourable Dalung about my Class set of 2009.

May God bless Nigeria

E-signed

Dr. John B. Mahwel

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